Editorial
2023: Need For Political Tolerance
While the campaign season for the February 2023 general election officially kicked off on Wednesday, September 28, 2022, some Nigerian politicians have made clear what to expect from their actions and rhetoric in recent weeks. What campaign managers seem ready to accept is not a contest of ideas and questions, but intolerance and how to throw dirty water at each other.
A major political party’s presidential candidate has claimed that some of his party supporters were attacked and injured by hired political thugs believed to be loyal to a party to prevent them from holding rallies in Lagos State. Likewise, hooligans and the police were sent to disrupt the peaceful one-million-man march organised by a political party in Ebonyi State. These developments are worrisome. Every Nigerian is entitled to the protection of the government.
All these travesties of democracy come at the start of a political campaign season that will lead up to the 2023 election. The aforementioned threats, aggression, hooliganism and violence in Lagos and Ebonyi States and elsewhere are a major setback to Nigeria’s democracy, to say the least. If left unchecked, this devilishness could grow into a gigantic monster that could spark further crises across the country.
Therefore, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) must remind gladiators and political parties of their obligation to show tolerance for one another and conduct a decent campaign following the code of conduct for the election. INEC, the government, law enforcement agents, and relevant stakeholders must provide proportional opportunities for all candidates and their respective parties.
Shockingly, after 22 years of constitutionalism, Nigerian democracy has not gone beyond the weaponisation of threats, intimidation and violence in deterring political opponents or disrupting their activities. As a country, we still have a long way to go. We pontificate over the same issues, fooling ourselves.
Driven by an excessive thirst for power, pomp, property and quick money, some dirty politicians are still using threats, intimidation and violence to grab political power. Indeed, Machiavellianism still reigns supreme in our national politics. Political parties must not succumb to threats, violence, aggression and hooliganism. They should resist them and work harder to win the next election.
The right to campaign for election is a fundamental right of all political parties. This is part of the freedom of speech, freedom of movement, freedom of association and freedom of thought and conscience enshrined in the 1999 Constitution. Hence, anything that prevents them from carrying out their legal acts or deprives them of a level playing field violates the Electoral Act and is thus illegal and unconstitutional.
In addition to threats and intimidation, politicians have made a habit of empowering their political mobs to take off or destroy campaign banners or billboards hung by other parties. It does not make sense. Ours is a multi-party and multi-religious system. Consequently, it is unreasonable for one party to be a nuisance to other parties or disrupt their political activities.
It is for this reason that the Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, recently signed Executive Order 21, prohibiting the use of public schools for political activities without approval from the Ministry of Education. Contrary to presumptions, the Order is not intended to halt campaigning in the state. Instead, it aims to regulate them and hold political parties accountable in the event of a breakdown in law and order. Wike’s proactive move is what is expected of the country’s leaders at this critical time.
As people who belong to the same country, we need each other in socialisation and the political process, even though our tribes, languages and religions may be different. By using threats and violence to disrupt political campaigns, politicians are conveying the impression that they are incapable of winning an election except through savagery, rigging, gerrymandering and manipulation.
The current Electoral Act prescribes punishment for such threats and violence. Section 116 stipulates that: “Any person who, at a political meeting — (a) acts or incites another to act in a disorderly manner for the purpose of preventing the transaction of the business for which the meeting was convened, or (b) has in his possession an offensive weapon or missiles, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a maximum fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months or both”.
President Muhammadu Buhari and state governors should level the playing field for all candidates. Our political leaders should be cautious in their comments and always seek to deepen the electoral process. Moreover, no political party or candidate should be denied access to state-owned facilities to campaign. Political parties and their candidates do not need police permission to organise campaigns or rallies.
The entire provisions of Sections 91, 92, 93, 94, 95 and 96 of the Electoral Act are designed to deal with the recurring problem of denial of access to public facilities and media platforms. They are mandatory for unhindered access to state-owned or publicly owned venues and event centres, such as stadiums, and civic centres that can be used as venues for rallies or other such political events, as well as access to public media platforms and also provisions for equal airtime parity for candidates.
In the past few months, the social media platforms have been plunged into a degenerate form of political debates, with supporters of the respective presidential candidates in the country engaged in invectives, mudslinging, and name-calling with incisive vituperation. Politicians should rein in their supporters. No electoral event worthy of the name can proceed in chaos. Putting in place a punitive measure for the violation of the Electoral Act by overzealous candidates and their supporters is the way forward.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.