Editorial
End Russia–Ukraine War, Now
For over three months, the Russia–Ukraine war has been going on. The two sides have been fighting a
bloody battle. Although the war seems to have been inflicted on Ukraine by Russia, there is no clear winner so far. Russia has been causing heavy destruction on the Ukrainian side with constant shelling. Several cities have been reduced to rubble in Ukraine, but Russia has also been compelled to take a step back and relinquish the dream to occupy Kyiv. Fighting still rages in various cities.
As the war progresses, the Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelensky, has got numerous advanced weapons from the West after several calls for support while his counterpart, Vladimir Putin, has been intensifying shelling to cause maximum damage. It has bombed various areas and not spared civilians either. Russia has also been accused of countless war crimes. Both sides have been making numerous accusations. They have also been making various statements and claims, which are hard to verify.
Meanwhile, many rumours have also been fuelled about various things in the war. The battle is not just being fought on the ground, but on social media as well. Many inspiring and heart-wrenching stories have also come up. The situation is such that all eyes are still on the war even after three months. No day goes past without some senior Western politician proclaiming that Ukraine will be “successful” and that Russia is “failing”. This is certainly morale-boosting. But it is clearly nonsense.
More than 14 million people have fled their homes since Russia’s invasion, the United Nations (UN) says. Almost seven million left for neighbouring countries, while eight million people are displaced inside Ukraine itself. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) verified a total of 4,169 civilian deaths in the ongoing war as at June 1, 2022. Out of this figure, 268 were children. Furthermore, 4,982 people were reportedly injured. However, OHCHR specified that the real numbers could be higher.
There have been numerous doubts about the future of the war. Many questions have also been asked. Will Russia end its quest for Ukraine? Can Ukraine win the war with weapons sent by the West? How and when will it end? All of these questions are valid and crucial too. The war can surely end if both Russia and Ukraine realise there can be no winner. It is currently only leading to suffering. We hope a better sense will prevail over the leaders of both countries to end the war soon.
This war has worsened the food security crisis, especially in many African countries. Several countries in East, West, Central, and Southern Africa rely on Russia and Ukraine for a significant percentage of their wheat, fertiliser, or vegetable oil imports, but the war disrupts global commodity markets and trade flows to Africa, increasing already high food prices in the region. A former Nigerian Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, had recently warned of a food crisis in poorer nations as 35 African countries were dependent on food imported from the Black Sea region.
Even countries that import little from the two nations are indirectly impacted by higher world prices for key commodities. Governments and donors should ensure affordable food access in Africa by scaling up economic and emergency assistance and social protection efforts. Otherwise, millions of people around the world risk experiencing severe hunger following rocketing global food prices.
World War III has never been closer. As Russian forces pummel Kyiv and other cities, Western powers have manoeuvred cautiously to avoid direct conflict with President Vladimir Putin, the man who controls the world’s largest nuclear arsenal and has shown no qualms in boasting about it. There is now a grave danger that the United States and other NATO allies could be drawn into the war.
The longer this war lasts, the more Ukrainians will flee their homeland; the more devastation will be wrought upon their homes, cities, industries, and economy. The West’s current approach to supporting Ukraine is guaranteed to prolong the war. Russia’s progress may be slowed, but it is highly unlikely to be stopped, far less pushed out of Ukraine, and meanwhile, the grinding destruction and hideous war crimes will continue.
If the lives of the Ukrainian people matter, then, the West has to do something to stop the war — now. Encouraging the Ukrainians to continue, however just their cause, is merely making their country uninhabitable. Consequently, the world should persuade Putin to implement an immediate ceasefire by inviting him to comprehensive peace talks. At such a meeting, everything should be up for discussion, including Ukraine’s borders. The important thing is to talk rather than fight.
NATO must engage in a forthright dialogue with the Ukrainian government about its goals and how best to bring the bloodshed to a close sooner rather than later. The West needs to begin looking beyond the war to salvage a relationship with Russia that keeps the door open to a modicum of collaboration. Even if a new Cold War is opening, dialogue will be even more essential than it was during the former Cold War.
In a more interdependent and globalised world, the West will need at least a measure of pragmatic cooperation with Moscow to tackle common challenges, such as negotiating arms control, arresting climate change, managing the cybersphere, and promoting global health. To that end, bringing the war to an expeditious close through a cease fire and a negotiated settlement is far preferable to either a war that drags on or a new frozen conflict that ends in a hostile stalemate.
Putin should re-think. He must understand that war has become unpopular in this age. Many nations want to give peace a chance. Besides, in Russia, thousands upon thousands of citizens are protesting against the invasion. This is a subtle way of telling the President that his invasion of Ukraine is uncalled for. More importantly, Russia and Ukraine have the same cultural and historical affinity. Ukraine used to be a part of Russia. There are many Russians in Ukraine and vice-versa. They even inter-marry among themselves and share common religious and cultural beliefs.
Pope Francis has called for an immediate end to the senseless war. We urge other heads of nations to join the Pope in brokering peace between the warring countries. Humanity needs now more than ever to rediscover the path of true concord. Peace and international law are closely linked to each other. Law favours peace. Therefore, both Putin and Zelensky should bow to the collective voices calling for a peaceful resolution of the crisis. Nothing is gained in spilling innocent human blood.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.