Editorial
Averting Flood In Rivers
Considering the ravage that floods have been wreaking across Nigeria, especially during the rainy
season, it is mandatory on the federal and state governments to adopt opportune and exacting measures to assuage the impact of the nuisance, as it is practically impossible to completely hold back nature’s rage. Furthermore, this measure is propitious since the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) has made some climate predictions this year.
Giving a report, NiMeT said the 2022 rainfall was projected to commence in the coastal states of Bayelsa, Cross River and Akwa Ibom in late February and around July in the Northern states including Borno, Yobe, Jigawa, Sokoto, Katsina and Zamfara States. However, Ekiti, Ondo, Edo and Kaduna States might encounter earlier than normal onset when compared to the long-term averages while Zamfara, Katsina, Kano, Jigawa, parts of Kebbi, Niger, Kwara, Oyo, Ogun, Cross River, Bayelsa and Rivers might experience delayed onset of rainfall.
The report also provides an overview of assorted climatic variables, such as rainfall and temperature models in Nigeria for the year. These forecasts offer the government, stakeholders and the general society early warning information for timely preparedness against potential hazards associated with heavy rains, floods, and high temperatures, as well as dry spells in parts of the country.
Properly transmitting warnings of impending storms and floods will not only provide an opportunity for people to take proactive measures to prevent damage to their property, it will also save lives. In Europe, initiatives like flood early warning systems and dyke monitoring are made to overhaul how natural disasters, such as flooding, can be properly evaluated and when warnings should be communicated.
Although flooding has become part of life in Nigeria because of its unparalleled geographical features, which boast many rivers that criss-cross the hinterland, with the Atlantic Ocean bordering the southern part, the changing pattern of rains has further compounded the situation. In a country where natural disasters such as earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are remarkably rare, flooding is rapidly becoming the main cause of concern.
This early warning from the agency should be given sufficient attention by all levels of government and should not be lightly addressed. The months of July, August, September and October are usually associated with heavy rainfall and catastrophic flooding in most areas of the country. Floods are often exacerbated by the transboundary influx of the Niger and Benue Rivers from outside the country before they drain into the Atlantic Ocean in Nigeria.
Flood is one of the most frequent natural disasters in our country with a devastating aftermath on the poor and vulnerable populations who live along river banks and rely on flood plains for livelihoods. Whenever a flood occurs, it affects a variety of sectors, including agriculture, water resources, health, transportation, infrastructure, and the livelihoods of people living in affected communities.
Tragically, since the devastating flood of 2012 which swept away many communities across the country, and the early warnings by pertinent government agencies on the impending flood and how to mitigate it, Nigerians have been flouting the directives from pertinent agencies and maintaining unhealthy lifestyles that result in flooding and the attendant consequences.
That is why government, environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs), including individuals and public enterprises, must do their utmost to avoid flooding this year. Rivers State, particularly, known for its perennial floods, must be prepared. Drains should be cleaned, while people living in flood-prone areas should be relocated. Now that the floods have yet come, there should be a massive awareness campaign in the state.
Those that need to be evacuated in Port Harcourt should be encouraged to voluntarily do so. Aside from de-silting the drains to ensure free flow of water, excavated refuse should be properly disposed of to avoid blocking the roads and returning into the canals. Construction along water courses should be advised against. Violators must be apprehended and prosecuted diligently while the structures must be demolished immediately.
The inappropriate disposal of waste by Port Harcourt residents and the failure of the Rivers State Waste Management Agency (RIWAMA) to do its job is a major concern. While some residents can afford to pay private waste disposal operators for their services, others who cannot afford it are dumping waste into drains and open spaces. Traders, who dispose of garbage haphazardly, should be punished. Non-payment of sanitation rates by residents is affecting the work of RIWAMA. The agency can only operate properly when there are funds to carry out its duties.
The state’s monthly environmental sanitation exercise across the 23 local government areas which usually holds on the last Saturdays of every month with strict restrictions on human and vehicular movements during the exercise should be reintroduced. This will enable Rivers people to support Governor Nyesom Wike’s vision of a clean and safe environment. RIWAMA has a responsibility to ensure that Rivers State remains clean and healthy for its citizens.
As a long-term solution to permanent flooding during the rainy season, the state government should establish a master drainage plan for Port Harcourt. This will receive, handle, and transport surface or groundwater runoff within the city. As well, it will ensure the proper operation of the state capital’s drainage system. Also, a stakeholders’ meeting with the communities experiencing the disaster has to be convened.
Suitable measures should be defined to put an end to flooding. Apart from clearing of drains, especially in coastal and flood-prone areas, the Rivers State Government should initiate an effective town planning and strict enforcement of environmental regulations and by-laws. Preventive measures are more a matter for the government and local authorities. Therefore, there cannot be any excuse for preventable flooding this year:
With the increasing burden of climate change on humanity, it is required for everyone to take action to improve the impact of floods. Experts say there are several ways of preventing flooding. To achieve this, Nigeria should improve on its warning system, promote flood resilient buildings, construct buildings above flood levels and increase spending on the construction of flood defences. Other measures such as strategically planting trees, restoring natural waterways and introducing water storage areas are imperative.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.