Opinion
SIM Bar And Agony Of Defaulters
The harmer finally fell last week, when the Minister for Communication and Digital Economy, Issa Pantami ordered Telco’s to bar outgoing calls from all mobile SIM yet to be linked with the National Identity Number (NIN). This order was given in spite of the fact that about119 million mobile lines are yet to be linked, and this figure is 16.7 percent of the 71 million already linked lines. At the last count, the lines of 71 million Nigerians have been blocked.
The Federal Government informed the country that there are now 15,000 NIN enrollment centres across the country, where Nigerians can register for the NIN without stress. However, the tsunami of queues across the country tells a different story entirely. People are virtually sleeping at these enrollment centres; most times coming back home at the close of work. Many close their businesses to enable them to get enrolled, but they lose on both fronts. But this has been the case, even before the April 4th enforcement.
If indeed the FG deployed 15,000 enrollment systems across the country, each state should at least have 405 official centres where residents could go and enroll with ease, and for free. And if adjustments are made for local governments with huge populations, a city like Port Harcourt should have nothing less than 50 centres; while other local government areas share a minimum of 15 enrollment centres. But this is not the case, and untold hardship has been inflicted on Nigerians as a result.
As laudable as this national identity policy is, it is not enough to put millions of Nigerians through the fire at a time when the average Nigerian is gasping for breath under the current economic climate.
Must Nigerians always suffer because the legacy of one man is on the line?
You may recall that in 2019, the FG secured a $433 million loan from the World Bank for the Digital Identity Ecosystem Project (DIESP) to enable Nigeria Identity Management Commission (NIMC), to increase enrollment, extend enrollment coverage across the country, reduce the cost of data collection, increase the speed of delivery and provide digital verification of identity any time and anywhere across the country through a protected channel. Apparently, the deployment of this fund is yet to bear fruit.
Or, is it possible that the deployment of the World Bank loan is hindered by the nonexistence of a Data Protection law? At the moment all we have in the country is only a data protection guideline, referred to as the National Data Protection Regulation ( NDPR), which is actually a baby of President Buhari’s National Digital Economy Policy and Strategy (NDEPS).
The Nigerian Constitution, under section 37 guarantees the right to data protection; however, this right remains a mirage in the absence of the requisite legislation.
In 2018, the National Assembly, passed the Nigerian Data Protection Bill to plug this gap, but President Buhari refused assent.
Another effort began in 2020, but after a public hearing in September of the same year, the matter has remained in the cooler of the National Assembly.
From the information available to us, it is clear that the intention of the DIESP is to connect all points that house the bio-data of Nigerians and legal residents, including BVN, telephone numbers, International Passports and even the voter’s card; creating a behemoth data grid that is supposed to make life easier. But Nigerians of all strata are apprehensive of the consequences of any security breach; especially given that nobody takes responsibility for anything in this country. The recent dirty fuel saga is a case in point.
A lot of experts have fervently argued the currency and crude oil of the twenty first century is data; and as a result, most governments, even in Africa have passed data protection laws that have given legal backing to their Data Protection Agencies (DPA).
Recently, in Nigeria, President Buhari established the Nigerian Data Protection Bureau (NDPB), but where are the data protection laws? How will it function?
Early this year a report from the Federal Investigation Bureau ranked Nigeria among the top 16 countries plagued by cybercrime. Meanwhile, the EFCC has also claimed that out of its 978 convictions, 80 percent have been connected to cybercrime. If this is indeed a fact, how do you sleep, knowing all you have worked for could be taken by a faceless hacker? Again, what is the guarantee that your data would be available when required, considering that the NIMC portal was offline for up to eight days in February.
In the past, President Buhari’s government has been accused of shielding sponsors of Boko Haram; and as it stands, the fact that they are unable to reveal these masterminds have given credence to this idea.
But one of the cardinal reasons for pushing this policy is to fight insecurity and terrorism. If this is true, are we now to believe that the ongoing massacre and national embarrassment in Kaduna, the Airport, and the train attack resulted from the unlinked mobile lines? Apparently, this is not true. In fact, news has it people were aware of the attack before it happened.
This is our country, therefore we must do everything possible to foster the success of every genuine and people-centred policy. But the government is obligated to do the right thing. Necessary laws must be in place to drive policies of this nature. International best practices must be followed, even as we adjust to fit our uniqueness. The rollout of this policy has not been so. People are suffering, and nobody would be held accountable as usual.
In the past week, millions of Nigerians who hitherto have linked their mobile lines to their NIN have been greatly disenfranchised. Many lost businesses, some were unable to process international passports, yet some of our senior citizens were unable to access their pensions. Who will pay for this? Would the apologies from a Telco like MTN suffice, or from any other Telco that matter?
Currently, NIMC, houses its data in only one data centre, and from what we have learned, the data blackout suffered by NIMC was a result of the downtime of Galaxy Backbone, also owned by the federal government. How does this make sense for a nation of more than 200 million; bearing in mind that the data provides a superhighway on which the economy runs? Even though the government is succeeding in squeezing everyone through a firehose, the truth remains that the data of Nigerians are not safe; and if anything happens, there is currently no legal framework to seek redress, and unless this is done, Nigerians would continue to view this policy with suspicion.
By: Raphael Pepple
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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