Editorial
Task Before Eguavoen, Amuneke
Few days ago, the football ruling body in Nigeria, Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) confirmed the duo of ex-
internationals, Austin Eguavoen and Emmanuel Amuneke as substantive technical heads of the national team, Super Eagles. This followed the not-so- successful outing of the national team under the tutelage of Eguavoen in interim capacity at the recently concluded 33rd edition of the African Cup of Nations ( AFCON) tagged Cameroon 2021, and the failed attempt to engage Portuguese tactician, Jose Peseiro. While Eguavoen remains the Technical Adviser and Head of the coaching crew, Amuneke was drafted as the coach.
At the Cameroon 2021 Championship, Eguavoen and the Super Eagles, after flying off the blocks in impressive fashion ended up flattering to deceive. They won all their group matches to raise the expectations of not only Nigerians but their fans across the globe. But the Eagles came unstuck in the very first knock out stage and game against their counterparts from Tunisia.
That is why, we think that the combination of Eguavoen and Amuneke could not have come at a better time, especially as the final qualifying matches for Qatar 2022 World Cup looms by the corner. Indeed, the Super Eagles team, as presently constituted, boasts of young and enterprising talents that have the potential to become world beaters, if only technically and tactically sound minds could work to weave their talents into a consistent formidable unit in the field of play.
We are glad that the new gaffers played the game to the highest level and have proved themselves as technical managers with relative successes. Both played professional club football with reputable sides in Europe, played for the national team and won the Nations Cup in 1994, with Amuneke also winning the Olympic football gold medal in 1996.
As coaches, both have some cognate experience to fall back on. While Eguavoen has been in the saddle of the Super Eagles before now and has the record as the only coach to have seen the team eke out perfect record in group matches as the AFCON in more than one edition, the recent disappointment of Cameroon 2021 should be handy. Amuneke, on his part, has brought world youth football glory to the country as an assistant and substantive coach of the Golden Eaglets in 2013 and 2015. He also broke new grounds, leading the Taifa Stars of Tanzania to their second African Cup of Nations outing in 2019, 39 years after their debut outing in 1980.
Now, therefore, we think is the time for both coaches to bring their experiences to bear on the national team and steer it to greater height and glory, beginning with the momentous two-legged encounters with neighbours and archrivals, Ghana, next month. The Black Stars of Ghana are the last hurdle between Nigeria and an appearance at the next mundial and qualifying for the biggest football rendezvous in the world is non-negotiable. It is indeed an acid test for the Eagles’ handlers and inkling into what their tenure holds for the national team and Nigeria.
We expect Eguavoen and Amuneke to close ranks and work with mutual respect and unity of purpose to ensure that their names are not only written in gold but serve as positive milestones for indigenous coaches in their quest for opportunities in the continent and beyond. These we believe are achievable with clearly stated goals, programmes and methods, which should have long, medium and short term strategies.
Over the years, it is on record that the NFF tended to treat indigenous coaches with less respect than their expatriate counterparts. While we are not encouraging confrontational attitude or insubordination, we expect that, as professionals, the coaches have a clear contract with stipulated rule of engagement in place in order to avoid the cataclysmic developments that have inundated past arrangements.
Being ex-players, Eguavoen and Amuneke must be ready to enforce discipline in the Super Eagles without being unduly high handed in order to have and maintain a peaceful dressing room. In fact, the onus lies on the coaches to provide leadership and act as role models for the players, without hesitating to whip into line any one that steps out of order, no matter his status in the team.
Hassan Shehata, who won multiple Nations Cup title for Egypt, Djamel Belmadi of Algeria, who led Algeria to the title at the penultimate AFCON, our own late Stephen Keshi, who won with the Super Eagles in 2013 and Aliou Cisse, coach of current AFCON Champions, Teranga Lions of Senegal are some examples of indigenous coaches to have led their countries to glory. Taking some leaves off their books, especially, Cisse, who stuck to his beliefs and methods to finally achieve with Senegal, would not be a bad idea. The duo should strive to be shining examples of ideal local coaches with capacity.
Apart from a healthy working relationship between both men on and off the field, we demand fair and firm disposition from them in scouting, selecting and fielding players for the national team. The practice of favouritism or double standard should not find room in the choice of personnel to prosecute one match or another. Also, some Nigerian coaches have in the recent past run foul of FIFA rules and stand against corruption, match-fixing and other forms of bribery, Eguavoen and Amuneke must at all times maintain high moral grounds against any matter that may blemish their integrity.
The two coaches will, at the end of the day be judged by how far they would have taken the national team to the next level and their ability to identify, wean and integrate new players to the Super Eagles. We, therefore, think that while going for the best legs to represent the country in the national teams, products of the domestic league must not be forgotten players from the Nigerian Professional Football League, (NPFL) should not be outrightly dismissed as second class players but ought to be given ample opportunities to prove themselves among the litany of usually favoured foreign- based counterparts.
For sure, Nigerians are looking up to the coaches to bring positive vibes, especially better technical depth, good spirits and undivided commitment to the team. The Super Eagles are being expected to re-enact their exhilarating performances of the past and hopefully hit the form that saw them captivate the world at Tunisia ’94 AFCON and the FIFA World Cup of 1994 in the United States of America.
As the country looks to be part of the party come Qatar 2022 World Cup, Eguavoen and Amuneke must make a loud and clear statement of intent with the upcoming final qualifiers against the Black Stars of Ghana in March.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.