Editorial
Still On ASUU Strike
The ongoing warning strike by the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has again put parents and students on edge across the country. The union had started a month-long strike to allow the Federal Government time to respond to concerns in the 2009 pact and others. If the warning strike turns into a real industrial action, the likelihood of another prolonged closure of public universities is a complete safeguard.
The university teachers’ union claimed that it was left with no choice but to down tools since the Federal Government had purposely declined to put into effect the indenture already signed by both bodies. Specifically, they rued the government’s refusal to implement February 7, 2019 memorandum of agreement, which contained imperative highlights of the 2009 pact, according to them.
Since 1999, ASUU has initiated as many as 15 strikes. Each time the academics downed tools, the reason comes off as the same – neglect of the ivory towers by successive governments. The Federal Government’s repudiation of the agreement it voluntarily entered into with the academics is clearly the source of the imbroglio. The union had renegotiated the pact and reassessed its demands for ease of implementation.
However, long after the renegotiated agreement was signed, it is yet to be effectuated, hence, the continued strike, which has been dealing a cataclysmic blow to quality education in our public varsities. While we are mindful of other contending demands on the authorities given lean resources, we are consternated by the missteps of the administration to actualise the agreement, at least piecemeal, to save the nation’s tertiary education from total collapse.
Without a doubt, the country’s higher education system is in a profound crisis and the government is mainly to blame. It underfunds its tertiary institutions, almost totally abandons research, interferes with their operation and rewards mediocrity. It coalesces all this by establishing more institutions even when the funds to run them are unavailable and enters into pacts with ASUU and other associations to increase funding and emoluments only to renege. This is a template for disorder.
ASUU said the Federal Government had, last December, agreed to replace the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) software with which it pays federal employees with the University Transparency and Accountability Solution (UTAS) developed by the union. The agreement was sealed to end the prolonged strike by the lecturers, who opposed the IPPIS being used for dons.
IPPIS was rejected on the grounds that it did not take into account particularities such as earned academic allowances, consultancy services and multiple teaching tasks associated with the university system. Consequently, the government agreed to adopt UTAS, release N22.17 billion for earned allowances by October last year, and another N30 billion to revitalise the dilapidated federal universities, another long-running demand of ASUU.
But the UTAS option failed because, according to the Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed, the Federal Government was awaiting advice from the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) on the adoption of the payment device. This is consistent with sustained official bad faith. Why agree to adopt UTAS only to turn around a year later and claim to be awaiting advice?
Obviously, in dealing with labour-related issues, the only language the Nigerian government understands is a strike. As a result, the nation has been routinely inundated with industrial actions by various unions, primarily to demand better working conditions. Regrettably, various interventions by esteemed stakeholders have been unavailing. Both sides in this never-ending dispute must deepen dialogue.
The system has lost about 50 months cumulatively. Nigerian universities have wasted a year every five years since 1999. From a five-month strike at the start of the Fourth Republic, to three months in 2001, two weeks in 2002 and six months in 2003, there were similar closures every year from 2005 to 2012. Others in 2013, 2017 and 2018 consolidated gains such as separate salary structure, increase in the retirement age of professors and a promise to improve university funding.
Under President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration, ASUU had shut down universities for an aggregate of 13 months by December, 2020, compared with an additive 18 months under Olusegun Obasanjo (1999–2007) and 13 months under Goodluck Jonathan (2010–2015). Since the nation is on the eve of an election year, Nigerians can do well to vote only candidates that have a favourable proclivity towards the development of the education sector.
A university stands to meet national goals and provides experts in all fields. In an egressing economy, it should be well funded, staffed and equipped. Federal and state governments should set up and maintain only the universities they can fund. In the First Republic, universities and colleges founded by deceased regional governments met this criterion, allowing them to run institutions of global specification, which fascinated students all over the world.
There is a need for ASUU to scrutinise and expose the enormous corruption of its members. There is no doubt that the union cannot exonerate its members from unethical, unprofessional and illegal practices, such as certificate scandal, exam-related malpractice, sexual harassment and money-for-grades commonly called “sorting”, among other factors. These ills have brought the university system to its knees. Therefore, the union must unclutter its house before denouncing the government for the blight in the nation’s universities.
Any union can easily advance many reasons to strike in Nigeria, given the high level of poor governance in the country. But ASUU needs to change its approach and become more conscientious. Shutting down universities because of the whimsy of a government simply victimises innocent students and their parents. As scholars, they should think of more persuasive and innovative ways of protest to attenuate the misery of the blameless.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.