Opinion
Policing The Police
But for my intervention a few days ago, a woman in distress, alone in her car and a police man, with finger on the trigger of the gun he had, and sitting in the front of the woman’s car, would have had a forced labour. What was the woman’s offence? – “Driving one-way”! The police man was so inexperienced and naïve that he was unaware of when a monitoring device was inserted in his uniform. A pregnant woman driving into the Rivers State University (RSU) campus was held up by an armed policeman for driving “one way”, resulting in the police man getting into the car, amidst traffic jam.
The policeman’s name-tag indicated the part of the country he came from and his behaviour spoke eloquently about his level of perception. Despite telling him that the person he was interacting with was a CSP, the policeman insisted on all of us driving to his “superior officer”. The empathic superior officer who knew the identity of the intervening civilian, advised the gun-carrying policeman to make an apology and let the matter end there, sans brown envelope. The distraught woman drove into a clinic less than fifteen minutes after.
This matter is being brought to public attention because of rising estrangement between the police (who should be friends of the public) and the civilian population. The sad image of the police has become such that many of them wear the uniform only in their offices when on duty, so as not to be identified as policemen or women. Similarly, ex-police officers feel ashamed to admit that they were once police officers. What accounts for the odium?
Firstly, to cut off one’s nose, to spite one’s face, is a great folly. Despite the “no victor, no vanquished” slogan after the Nigerian Civil War (1967 – 1970), the best-trained and most highly experienced police officers in Nigeria were cleverly frustrated and weeded out from the job. They were replaced with quickly promoted, poorly trained and local authority police personnel. The result was a drastic fall of the status and professional efficiency of the Nigeria Police. So, we deserve what we have currently, since a smooth transition was not allowed to take place. You can’t have your cake and eat it!
Secondly, there are glaring evidence and proof of “toxic” postings and deployment of police personnel across the country, whose ulterior motives are not lost to discerning Nigerians. Recently there was a private investigation involving statistics of deployment of divisional police officers in the southern part of Nigeria. The result of that enquiry was quite instructive, nor could the motives of such postings have been accidental. One flaw in our management system is that we do things believing that no eyes are seeing or watching. A good example of this obtuseness is the inability of a policeman to be aware of someone installing a monitoring device on his uniform. Yet he was busy threatening, finger on trigger!
Thirdly, long years of military rule obviously altered the psyche and attitude of Nigerian masses. Soon, the belligerence and attitude of impunity, which are associated with military culture became a standing lifestyle of the Nigerian masses, generally. This aberration has not ceased to be a devouring cancer in Nigerian social culture. The results of this anomaly include growing militancy, brashness and lawlessness bearing a common name of indiscipline.
What we call corruption in Nigeria has a unique history and development, and, like a cancer phenomenon, infects and seeks to destroy remaining healthy parts of the society. Without mincing words, the civil war provided great and unstoppable opportunities for various aberrations to have strong foot-hold and anchor in Nigeria. The euphoria of victory did not allow what lurked behind that national experience to be discovered. The military, unwittingly became the midwife for the enthronement of a cancerous anomaly.
A few people, who saw the dangers ahead, did propose the adoption of diarchy or combination of military and civilian government as a solution to the Nigerian dilemma. When that proposal could not be accepted by the Nigerian masses, the military top hierarchy devised what it knew best — setting up of a booby-trap! As astute strategists and tacticians, the military allowed Nigerians to have a “toxic” 1999 constitution, designed by astute spin-doctors. Like the gift from voodoo masters, Nigerians received a parting zombie-gift that transmogrified into our current political economy. Serves you right!
The standard-bearers of the “Greek-gift” of the outgone military, are the Nigerian security and intelligence apparatus, which politicians and their various parties cannot do without. There is also a need to give the hint that the matter was not solely a Nigerian affair, thanks to global oil and gas politics and capitalist economy. When we add these antics and shenanigans to the growing influence of Islamic global brotherhood, what we have can be interpreted best with reference to Afghanistan experience.
Apart from contending global power blocks and interests, the Nigerian political economy is caught in the web of vicious global politics and economy. With oil and gas as the mainstay of the Nigerian economy, we should be asking why, for example, the value of the Nigerian money, the Naira, should continue to decline; Why over 80 percent of Nigerians are poor and hungry, in the midst of obscene affluence for a clever few! Why is there growing state of insecurity in Nigeria, and why such hypocrisy! Are there no sponsors of insecurity! Why! Who?
With a gun-carrying policeman earning less than N80,000 as monthly salary, and having perhaps two wives and five children to cater for; how does he cope with the current economy? Are some parts of Nigeria not bearing a heavier burden of supporting the nation’s economy? Would a policeman not lobby to be posted to a greener pasture or juicy duty-post? In the peculiar economy of the nation, can those who hold the power of command and postings not be selective who is posted where? Why are there oppositions to restructuring, sane dialogue and state police, among other agitations?
Policing the police would require more than mass protests against police brutality, public complaints commission, etc. Neither would monthly lectures for police personnel and pontification connected there with, help matters. Apart from total restructuring and overhaul of the entire security network, all personnel should be posted to serve in their home states for the next two years. Later the police, security and intelligence organs of the establishment must face some probe. Defective structures collapse eventually! Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer in the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.
By: Bright Amirize
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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