Opinion
Celebration Of Our Nationhood: Matters Arising
Nigeria became a country divided into two Protectorates in 1900 A.D. The persistent dichotomy between the North and Southern Nigeria thus started in the year 1900 AD.
In 1914, the inherently divided nation of North and Southern Protectorates were amalgamated by Lord Frederick Lugard. Political commentators have come to see this development as the bringing together of two strange bed fellows. The socio-economic discomfort in this arrangement began to manifest and haunt the nation at birth.
At Independence in 1960, after several experiments at constitutional development, it was expected that Nigeria would have enough structural simulation that would make it a great country.
The independent Nigeria was structured into a Republic in 1963. Thus severing the country from the apron strings attached to the British monarchy.
Prior to the Republican Constitution, the Queen of England was still the ceremonial Head of State, represented by the Governor General, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.
This was the final stage of gaining nationhood. The nation had already been structured into three regions of North, West and Eastern Nigeria, plus the Mid West which was part of the Western Region.
Indeed, Nigeria stood on a Tripod of North, dominated by Hausa Fulani, West, the Yoruba and the Eastern Region dominated by Igbo. Ethnic minorities were only heard but not seen. Nigeria was thus a divided country along ethnic lines. The three major political parties were also along ethnic lines. Action Group was a Western Nigerian Party, Northern people’s Congress was indeed a Northern Hausa-Fulani political rallying point, while N. C. N. C which was supposed to be a national party was an Eastern Nigeria Igbo political party.
It was indeed sad that every group only struggled to grab power for the benefit of their region and not for the country. The Coup of January 15, 1966 was therefore not a surprise as the nation had begun to show signs of collapse from the 1964 elections crisis.
The electoral violence in the Western Region became the sign post of a country going off the cliff.
Earlier, the young nation had become mature in different ills such as corruption, nepotism, ethnic and religious bigotry as well as electoral fraud . There was negative growth in socio-political life of the nation. The positives however were in the area of Agriculture and revenue sharing formula, where states benefited from their natural resources. Many proponents of resource control would love to go back to that era.
The military struck in January 15, 1966 to halt the derailment of the new nation.
One would have thought that the jackboot dispensation would bring sanity, unfortunately, it plunged the nation into a Civil War that lasted for 30 months.
The reunification of Nigeria in 1970 did not usher in a democratic dispensation until 1979. The fragile civil rule was again truncated in 1983.
Finally in 1999, a democratically elected Government came on stream to begin a new vista of hope for national development in a democratic environment. In every independence celebration in Nigeria, there is always a question on whether there is anything to celebrate in Nigeria after many years of independence.
This question on whether Nigerians have anything to celebrate is indeed a rhetorical question.
This year has brought forth the same question and many Nigerians have their answers up their sleeves, positive and negative. I see it as a rhetorical question with an open ended response. Why would a citizen of a nation that has a geographical definition under government not celebrate something.
Some citizens of the world in parts of North Africa and the Northern fringes of West Africa are stateless. They do not belong to any national authority, they wander from place to place posing security threats to independent nations.
Nigerians today have a country to call their own, with freedom to elect or select their leaders and participate in international affairs under a flag.
However, Nigeria is getting more and more divided over the years. There is a new line of division which has created two kinds of citizens. One is a nation of citizens which are referred to as NAIJA. NAIJA citizens are new generation of creative and innovative Nigerians.
NAIJA citizens are the Nollywood stars, the new musical Icons and the ICT innovative citizens who live in and outside Nigeria. These ones are the creative Nigerians that have brought respect and honour to the country.
They do their own thing and with them, Nigerians have become more resilient in overcoming economic hardship. These citizens are serial entrepreneurs who have or are pulling themselves out of poverty with or without government inputs. They are the future of this nation. The NAIJA people are cool, innovative and resilient. They are the ones with the Nigerian spirit. On the flip side, we have Nigerians, the old school, the political class, the formal business class, the traditional institutions and political parties as well as the organised labour.
These Nigerians are the ones that have failed to up the ante in national development. Old school Nigerians are the ones that have turned the nation into the poverty capital of the world. They are the ones that created divisions along parochial ethnic lines that have brought about secessionist calls across the country. President Buhari in his broadcast to the nation expressed the unwavering resolve of his administration to unite the country. This was the high point of his broadcast because the nation is drifting and may plunge into separate nation if nothing is done to hold it together.
By: Bon Woke
Opinion
Wike VS Soldier’s Altercation: Matters Arising
The events that unfolded in Abuja on Tuesday November 11, 2025 between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike and a detachment of soldiers guarding a disputed property, led by Adams Yerima, a commissioned Naval Officer, may go down as one of the defining images of Nigeria’s democratic contradictions. It was not merely a quarrel over land. It was a confrontation between civil authority and the military legacy that still hovers over our national life.
Nyesom Wike, fiery and fearless as always, was seen on video exchanging words with a uniformed officer who refused to grant him passage to inspect a parcel of land alleged to have been illegally acquired. The minister’s voice rose, his temper flared, and the soldier, too, stood his ground, insisting on his own authority. Around them, aides, security men, and bystanders watched, stunned, as two embodiments of the Nigerian state clashed in the open.
The images spread fast, igniting debates across drawing rooms, beer parlours, and social media platforms. Some hailed Wike for standing up to military arrogance; others scolded him for perceived disrespect to the armed forces. Yet beneath the noise lies a deeper question about what sort of society we are building and whether power in Nigeria truly understands the limits of its own reach.
It is tragic that, more than two decades into civil rule, the relationship between the civilian arm of government and the military remains fragile and poorly understood. The presence of soldiers in a land dispute between private individuals and the city administration is, by all civic standards, an aberration. It recalls a dark era when might was right, and uniforms conferred immunity against accountability.
Wike’s anger, even if fiery, was rooted in a legitimate concern: that no individual, however connected or retired, should deploy the military to protect personal interests. That sentiment echoes the fundamental democratic creed that the law is supreme, not personalities. If his passion overshot decorum, it was perhaps a reflection of a nation weary of impunity.
On the other hand, the soldier in question is a symbol of another truth: that discipline, respect for order, and duty to hierarchy are ingrained in our armed forces. He may have been caught between conflicting instructions one from his superiors, another from a civilian minister exercising his lawful authority. The confusion points not to personal failure but to institutional dysfunction.
It is, therefore, simplistic to turn the incident into a morality play of good versus evil.
*********”**** What happened was an institutional embarrassment. Both men represented facets of the same failing system a polity still learning how to reconcile authority with civility, law with loyalty, and service with restraint.
In fairness, Wike has shown himself as a man of uncommon courage. Whether in Rivers State or at the FCTA, he does not shy away from confrontation. Yet courage without composure often feeds misunderstanding. A public officer must always be the cooler head, even when provoked, because the power of example outweighs the satisfaction of winning an argument.
Conversely, soldiers, too, must be reminded that their uniforms do not place them above civilian oversight. The military exists to defend the nation, not to enforce property claims or intimidate lawful authorities. Their participation in purely civil matters corrodes the image of the institution and erodes public trust.
One cannot overlook the irony: in a country where kidnappers roam highways and bandits sack villages, armed men are posted to guard contested land in the capital. It reflects misplaced priorities and distorted values. The Nigerian soldier, trained to defend sovereignty, should not be drawn into private or bureaucratic tussles.
Sycophancy remains the greatest ailment of our political culture. Many of those who now cheer one side or the other do so not out of conviction but out of convenience. Tomorrow they will switch allegiance. True patriotism lies not in defending personalities but in defending principles. A people enslaved by flattery cannot nurture a culture of justice.
The Nigerian elite must learn to submit to the same laws that govern the poor. When big men fence off public land and use connections to shield their interests, they mock the very constitution they swore to uphold. The FCT, as the mirror of national order, must not become a jungle where only the powerful can build.
The lesson for Wike himself is also clear: power is best exercised with calmness. The weight of his office demands more than bravery; it demands statesmanship. To lead is not merely to command, but to persuade — even those who resist your authority.
Equally, the lesson for the armed forces is that professionalism shines brightest in restraint. Obedience to illegal orders is not loyalty; it is complicity. The soldier who stands on the side of justice protects both his honour and the dignity of his uniform.
The Presidency, too, must see this episode as a wake-up call to clarify institutional boundaries. If soldiers can be drawn into civil enforcement without authorization, then our democracy remains at risk of subtle militarization. The constitution must speak louder than confusion.
The Nigerian public deserves better than spectacles of ego. We crave leaders who rise above emotion and officers who respect civilian supremacy. Our children must not inherit a nation where authority means shouting matches and intimidation in public glare.
Every democracy matures through such tests. What matters is whether we learn the right lessons. The British once had generals who defied parliament; the Americans once fought over states’ rights; Nigeria, too, must pass through her own growing pains but with humility, not hubris.
If the confrontation has stirred discomfort, then perhaps it has done the nation some good. It forces a conversation long overdue: Who truly owns the state — the citizen or the powerful? Can we build a Nigeria where institutions, not individuals, define our destiny?
As the dust settles, both the FCTA and the military hierarchy must conduct impartial investigations. The truth must be established — not to shame anyone, but to restore order. Where laws were broken, consequences must follow. Where misunderstandings occurred, apologies must be offered.
Let the rule of law triumph over the rule of impulse. Let civility triumph over confrontation. Let governance return to the path of dialogue and procedure.
Nigeria cannot continue to oscillate between civilian bravado and military arrogance. Both impulses spring from the same insecurity — the fear of losing control. True leadership lies in the ability to trust institutions to do their work without coercion.
Those who witnessed the clash saw a drama of two gladiators. One in starched khaki, one in well-cut suit. Both proud, both unyielding. But a nation cannot be built on stubbornness; it must be built on understanding. Power, when it meets power, should produce order, not chaos.
We must resist the temptation to glorify temper. Governance is not warfare; it is stewardship. The citizen watches, the world observes, and history records. How we handle moments like this will define our collective maturity.
The confrontation may have ended without violence, but it left deep questions in the national conscience. When men of authority quarrel in the open, institutions tremble. The people, once again, become spectators in a theatre of misplaced pride.
It is time for all who hold office — civilian or military — to remember that they serve under the same flag. That flag is neither khaki nor political colour; it is green-white-green, and it demands humility.
No victor, no vanquish only a lesson for a nation still learning to govern itself with dignity.
By; King Onunwor
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