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Editorial

Our Expectations In 2021

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Millions of Nigerians cheered the New Year on January 1, 2020, by taking part in rambunctious
gatherings across the country. In many parts of the nation, citizens attended crossover services at their locations of worship. Heavy fireworks rang through neighbourhoods while those who could provide exotic drinks, uncorked them, cheered and libated.
The year 2020 has gone with its innumerable challenges that tested the souls of many Nigerians. 2021 is here with hopes of better times for the nation and its people. Last year was definitely a very difficult one for most Nigerians with the economy deeply in the throes of a debilitating recession. No thanks to the Coronavirus pandemic that devastated the global economy.
Unemployment stood at an all-time high while power supply remained epileptic virtually throughout the year, although put at between 3000 and 5000 megawatts. Fuel price rose multiple times while food inflation reached a historic high. The business climate was disconsolate and low oil price at $40.47 a barrel presaged a bleak outlook for our beleaguered economy and the citizens.
Beyond the economy, last year produced several moments of painful uneasiness for the nation. The Niger Delta Avengers threatened renewed militancy in the Niger Delta region and for some time created grave uncertainties about the safety of oil activities.   The federal government, after initial hesitation, began a peace negotiation which eventually resolved the issues and restored peace.
Infrastructural deficiencies persevered in hunting the country. Many of our expressways were so awful that they were described as death traps. They remain so.  The rail system failed to witness much improvement. It seemed like the renovation of the National Assembly complex became more vital than the rehabilitation of roads, promoting governance failure and mediocrity.
President Muhammadu Buhari’s failed campaign promises were abysmal misery.  The government couldn’t dent the rising unemployment figures.  The war on corruption was resisted and frustrated in the courts because Buhari made little effort to get his party members and his government to buy into the fight.  Several sensational corruption recoveries were made by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), but with a few trials and convictions.
Security is still dodgy. The most unreassuring is the carnage by herdsmen. Sadly, the federal government executes a policy of willful neglect of the problem, burying its head in the sand like the proverbial ostrich, thus, eliciting resentments in the country.  Boko Haram’s continued onslaught is a confirmation of the intelligence failure of the Nigerian military. No amount of armaments would turn the scale of the war until the intelligence dilemma is rectified.
Hence, in 2021, Nigerians would like the government to address the economy, job creation and electricity supply. These are key sectors never to be disregarded wilfully and causelessly. Unlike last year, Nigerians expect a better economic atmosphere this year. Through a vibrant economy, people are empowered to find sustenance no matter how small. A harsh economy can compel people to resort to despicable means of survival.
Also, our wish for 2021 is the total elimination of insurgency to improve our security. This will require a continuation of armed combat from the armed forces. It would, however, impose even more improved intelligence, raising the security consciousness of communities to monitor their society against infiltration. Let 2021 become the year Nigeria will defeat extremism.
We would like to see the disentanglement of a strong anti-corruption movement to lead the campaign and create traction in the war against corruption. As the year proceeds, we hope to catch a glimpse of successful prosecutions and sanctions of corrupt public officials, who must be compelled to return all their loots upon conviction.
This year should terminate the secession bid of Biafrans, threats of resumption of militancy by Niger Delta and Oduduwa Republic militants, in addition to persistent conflicts across the country. They indicate unease regarding the centralised and lopsided nature of the Nigerian federation. We would like to see the implementation of former President Goodluck Jonathan’s National Conference to address the issues.
Respect for the rights of all citizens to free speech, entitling them to exercise their fundamental human rights rather than discreetly arresting and penalising those who hold contrary views to government policies, is another significant issue Nigerians would like to be discontinued in 2021. The power machinery must realise that this is a democratic dispensation; people have the right to speak up and complain.
The New Year is an opportunity for citizens to get more engaged in governance by asking critical questions, joining groups and ensuring that they get value out of public resources. Our docility over the years has encouraged our leaders to mismanage the nation’s resources as it has facilitated unaccountability and massive corruption.
For governors across the states, this New Year is an avenue to become more humane or benignant by treating state employees and pensioners as full members of the human family. Salaries and pension entitlements should be paid when they are due, and there should be increased openness and transparency in the management of state resources.
It is expected that Mr. President will talk to Nigerians and explain his policies to them further in 2021. Sadly, Buhari hardly talks to the people on whose behalf he exerts executive powers. Nigerians should hear their president and see him relate with them. It is impolite for the president to ignore Nigerians but conveniently speak about the country to the international community each time he travels abroad.
We find it unpleasantly ingratiating to see President Buhari and his family journey abroad for medical attention while the average Nigerian is impelled to seek Medicare in our necessitous health institutions. This year, we need to see Mr. President lead by example after he avowed that Nigerians should not travel abroad again for Medicare. If all the teaching hospitals in the country are properly equipped, there will be no need for medical-related oversea trips.
Again, we strongly desire to see the police and other security outfits suitably schooled in their respective primary responsibilities in 2021. The several incidences of public harassment and extortions have reached a crescendo and, therefore, demand crucial reforming approaches. Certainly, Nigerians expect more in the New Year.
Despite the challenges, the Nigerian state is not beyond redemption. It has only been mismanaged. So, the New Year presents Buhari another chance to address the expostulations. He must tackle the power supply problem, revamp the education and health sectors, and rout insurgency. Insecurity is rife with armed robbers, herdsmen and kidnappers having a field day. Unfortunately, there is no sign yet that this government has got a handle to the numerous problems.

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Editorial

Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

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The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.

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Editorial

Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

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Community leaders in Etche Local Government Area (LGA) of Rivers State have raised the alarm over spiralling insecurity, rampant land encroachment, and the growing menace of herdsmen attacks that are devastating their communities.
At a recent stakeholders’ forum convened with state authorities and headed by the Commissioner of Police, Mr Olugbenga Adepoju, the leaders implored the Rivers State Government to act urgently. They warned that criminal activities have collapsed essential services, including healthcare and education, plunging residents into hardship.
Mr Adepoju, representing the Sole Administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas (Rtd), visited Etche as part of a broader fact-finding mission aimed at evaluating community challenges and formulating targeted responses rooted in local feedback.
Hon. Onyenachi Nwankwor, Administrator of Etche LGA, underscored the intensifying threat posed by herdsmen. He reported that farmlands are being seized, with armed herders allegedly extorting inhabitants and presenting serious risks to lives and property.
Farmers have been uprooted from their ancestral lands, severing generational ties and undermining their livelihoods. The abandonment of fields jeopardises food security and frays social cohesion, inflaming tensions and stoking fears of escalating conflicts over land and resources.
Women of Ogoni ethnic nationality, particularly in Luusue Sogho, Khana LGA, have decried escalating herders’ attacks on their farms, which are upending livelihoods and engendering fear. The systematic destruction of crops erodes economic stability and imperils food security, worsening malnutrition.
Similarly, women farmers in Ejamah, Eleme LGA, protested the destruction of their crops. They carried remnants of ruined harvests to the Eleme Police Station in a desperate plea for justice and protection.
A particularly harrowing incident was recorded in Afam Uku, Oyigbo LGA, where herdsmen reportedly attacked farmers, leaving two dead. The assault also resulted in the destruction of crops and displacement of numerous farming families.
Despite the Open Rearing and Grazing (Prohibition) Law No. 5 of 2021 designed to curb open grazing, violations persist. There is renewed demand for rigorous enforcement, swift arrests, and prosecutions to send an unequivocal message that lawlessness will no longer be condoned.
With a state of emergency declared in Rivers State, the onus is on every indigene and resident to proactively prevent any escalation into a full-blown crisis. Complacency is not an option; vigilance and cooperation with authorities are paramount. Crucially, security operatives must understand the heightened sensitivity of the situation and act decisively to maintain law and order.
Security agents must actively monitor vulnerable areas, identify potential flashpoints, and intervene promptly to avert unrest. Timely and resolute action is vital to restoring normalcy and forestalling larger catastrophe.
A sustainable solution lies in transitioning from open grazing to ranching, supported by policy and funding. Additionally, local peace committees should spearhead dialogue and mediation. Only through concerted action, inclusive dialogue, and strict law enforcement can Rivers State build a future of peace and shared prosperity.
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Editorial

Democracy Day: So Far…

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Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.

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