Opinion
What Are Palliative Measures?
When you do a quick Google search of the phrase – ’palliative measures’, you will quickly understand it to mean – ‘That which is palliative relieves and soothes, but is not expected to cure’.
The English dictionary defines the word ‘palliative’ as- ‘serving to extenuate or mitigate; minimising the progression of a disease and relieving undesirable symptoms for as long as possible rather than attempting to cure the (unusually incurable) disease’.
It would, therefore, be right to say that ‘palliative’ is largely ‘people’ and ‘condition’ sensitive and temporary in nature, ensuring relief and making mild the pain that would, otherwise have been felt, were it not available.
The question to ask now is – “where did the leaders, nay rulers, in the Federal and State governments get their understanding of the definition of palliatives or palliative measures to mean the provision of food and food items alone? This is what we have seen them operationalise across the country in the last two weeks since this COVID-19 pandemic began to bite.
How did they come to the sudden and myopic conclusion that palliative measures must mean the provision of cups of garri, noodles, beans, oil and, in some cases, other condiments for making jollof rice, only for the ‘poor’ who live in the rural areas?
Palliative measures can be to some – the provision of ‘food’ (food palliatives), to some others, in the form of provision of regular and uninterrupted power supply, reduction in tariffs of certain commodities and utility services, suspension of levies, taxes, rates and duties or even the disbursement of cash directly to people to take care of other domestic responsibilities (social palliatives).
Yet to others, it can just be the provision of some legal frameworks or legislations that would address monetary and fiscal policy matters of exposed individuals (such as the temporary suspension or reduction of interest rates payable on loans taken, access to cheap loans and salary advances to keep the economy liquid or even legislations that make it possible for businessmen to cut down on or mitigate their losses or financial exposures). That is, legal/legislative palliatives. Palliative measures could also be religious or psychological palliatives.
Depending on who or what is involved before the need for palliatives is contemplated, governments must first attempt to understand that true palliative measures must be sensitive and not discriminatory. The poor, rich, strong, weak, and every gender in every ethnic group across every stratum of the society must be considered when designing palliatives or what would constitute the best palliative measure whenever the need arises.
Palliatives should be only those which are capable of providing temporary relief to soothe the pains and hardship on all affected by the attendant situation.
Having established what true palliative measures should be and seeing the finest of its interpretation displayed by civilisations outside of Nigeria such as the USA, Russia, South Korea, Italy, Spain, Great Britain and even some African countries like South Africa (currently experiencing looting by citizens in spite of their palliatives) and Senegal, it would be safe to say that our leaders either do not understand the meaning of the term ‘Palliative Measures’, or have a very warped understanding of it or are simply just wicked, displaying such wickedness to their people in the way they carry on with these things.
Where did they get their interpretation to mean food items? As if that was not bad enough, why do they think it to also mean it is only the poor in the rural communities that deserve it? Where exactly?
Do they, by their interpretation, imply that the ‘rich’ (who probably have invested millions or billions of naira in the economy that is about to go down the drains because they cannot use it for what they intended such as manufacturing, owing to the lockdown order for days now) would not suffer losses or if they do, it would be miniature compared to what the ‘poor’ who they are focusing on now would suffer in this period and as such do not deserve palliatives?
Do they imagine that the ordinary taxi driver who is managing his personal taxi or the one he got on hire purchase who because of this pandemic and the ‘decree or order’ for him not to carry the usual number of passengers would not make losses now and so would not deserve palliatives also?
Do they mean that the woman who had already paid a one-year rental in the hope of making money for the next year’s rental from her daily sales, who the stay-at-home order has prevented from going to open her shop for two, three or even five months as the case may be, does not require palliatives that can be in the form of asking the landlord to return the monies paid for the rentals and consequently waivering tenement rate for the landlord for a period of time?
Whatever the case may be, our governments must interrogate again their understanding of the words (palliative and palliative measure) in order not to, with time, incur the imminent wrath of the classes of citizens not catered to in their plans and what divinity might serve them as consequences of this wicked and corruption-laden interpretation of an otherwise good word.
Akpotive, a social reformer and public affairs commentator, writes from Port Harcourt.
Andy Akpotive
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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