Opinion
Why Disperse Protesters With Live Ammunition?
Barely two weeks ago, a 10-year-old boy, Somtohukwu Igbanusi, was reportedly shot dead by Nigerian soldiers who were invited by Imo State government to keep traders in check as it demolished the popular Eke-Ukwu Market in the Imo State capital, Owerri.
Somtochukwu’s case is just one among the catalogue of instances where security operatives use live ammunition to disperse protesters. Although the Army Public Relations Officer, Lieutenant Haruna Tagwei, had denied the involvement of his men in the death of the little boy, Somtochukwu, no doubt, may have been a victim of a sporadic shooting by the soldiers; a situation that could possibly have been averted, had the soldiers resorted to the mere use of tear-gas as a dispersive measure.
A few years back, the original inhabitants of Abuja had their own unfair deal with the security operatives too, who opened fire on them as they went to the National Assembly to protest the non-passage of the Mayoralty Bill by the National Assembly.
The story of the ordeal of the protesters for the release of a detained, revered leader of Islamic Movement in Nigeria (IMN), Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky, is still fresh in the memories of Nigerians. According to reports, hundreds of thousands of Islamic Movements in Nigeria (IMN) supporters took to the streets, peacefully protesting in Katsina, Bauchi, Gombe, Minna, etc, the same day, to urge for the immediate release of their detained leader, Zakzaky, but police fired at them when they got to Bakinruwa junction. This incident, of course, left some casualties who were later rushed to nearby hospitals.
Across the shores of Nigeria, the story is not different. Sometime last year, a similar incident was recorded in Harare, Zimbabwe, when Zimbabwean police reportedly used live ammunition in downtown Harare to disperse an anti-government protest, for which some persons were injured as a result of shootings.
Whether we accept it or not, one known attribute of democracy is the recognition of freedom of expression, which of course can take the form of individual statements or mass demonstrations popularly called protest.
The right to protest is a fundamental human right arising out of a number of recognised human rights. Across the globe, people from time to time see reasons to raise their voices or express their displeasure over a given government’s policy or treatment or action of a person or group of persons.
The strong belief in the strength of unity makes mass protest a preferred strategy for public expression. Even where such moves are opposed by those whose agenda and actions are being threatened, mass protest could still manifest under the right to freedom of assembly, or association, and of course, the right to freedom of speech.
However, the right to freedom of assembly, association and, speech is not without known legal limitations, especially when “propaganda of war” and advocacy of “national, racial and religious “hatred are perceived. This, understandably, is basically allowed in a democratic society in the interest of national security, public safety, public order, protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedom of others. The 1950 European Convention on Human Rights, Articles 9 to 11 and the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Articles 18 to 22 contain clear enunciations of these rights.
Although hoodlums and street boys sometimes hijack mass protests to unleash terror in the society, protest is not intended for violence nor does it portend any form of threat to national security or public safety, neither is it an instrument of civil disobedience.
The tendency, therefore, to scuttle the good intention of protesters through the activities of hoodlums, makes it imperative to have the presence of security agents around the protesters. This is basically to certify them of every good intention and to check possible misdemeanor. Besides, it is not the place of the police to grant permission for a rally or protest, but to provide adequate security and ensure that such protests is executed in accordance with the provision of the law concerning mass rallies or protests.
Rallies or placard-carrying demonstrations have been recognized to be very popular forms of expressing views on current issues affecting government and the governed in every civilised society. Many governments have had to alter their courses for good, courtesy of mass protests against what were perceived by the governed as unpopular policies.
It is, therefore, not only primitive, but odd to have security agents disperse protesters simply because the subject of protest doesn’t favour the government in power. It is highly condemnable when the mode of dispersal pays little or no attention on the sanctity of human life.
The current wave of using live ammunition to disperse peaceful protesters across the globe is a trend that must be nipped in the bud.
Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
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