Opinion
Niger Delta: Job Crisis As A Time Bomb
The time-bombs primed by sit-tight leadership and rising youth unemployment in Africa are beginning to detonate in some parts of the continent. First, it was Algeria that started the year on a sad note as youths, mostly university graduates, burned government buildings and commercial houses, paralysing the capital, Algiers. The rampaging youths said they were tired of the 11-year rule of President Abdelazis Bouteflika. They were also unhappy with the number of unemployed, years after graduation.
Then, Tunisia followed quickly in a revolt against joblessness that has sent their President Zine-el-Abi-Dine Ben Ali, who ruled the country for 23 years, scampering for safety in Saudi-Arabia. As in Algeria, the protesters were calling attention to the biting unemployment and under-employment that led one university graduate to sell fruits and vegetables on the streets for a living. This undertaking was seen by the graduate and the general public as demeaning for his qualification. Despite that, the police aggravated the situation by confiscating his wares for allegedly not having a vending permit. The hapless graduate couldn’t take the indignity anymore. So, he set himself ablaze and died later from his wounds.
Now Egypt is virtually at a boiling point with unemployed youths setting themselves ablaze in curious acts of self-immolation. They are not only protesting the economic down turn, but also the sit-tight disposition of President Hosni Musbarak, who has ruled the country for 30 years.
The question is where next? The excruciating socio-economic conditions that have put these countries on the boil are also prevalent in many African countries, including Nigeria. In fact the Nigerian condition may even be worse than what has sparked the revolt in these countries. The main point of departure, however, is that Nigeria has no sit-tight President.
Nigeria is indeed fortunate to have people who are imbued with an enormous capacity for soaking-up the pains and pangs of want. Here is a country where a president sought a third term, instead of two terms provided for in the constitution. He was fought to a stand still. Here also, jobless university graduates are eking out a living by riding commercial motorcycles (Okada), while those representing them in federal parliament are going home with mouth-watering salaries and allowances ranging from N10 million to N15 million monthly. Who says this unfair distribution of wealth is not an invitation to crisis?
So far, Nigeria has been spared widespread violent dissent. What could be likened to a revolt has been seen in the Niger Delta region where the agitations for resource control have thrown up all kinds of militant activities, including sabotage of oil installations and kidnapping of oil workers. Also in Jos and Maiduguri there have been ethno-religious disturbances of grave consequences!
The country cannot afford to wait for things to get worse. “Job-creation is the need of the hour”. That is the view of experts like Dr. Ismail Radwan, a senior economist with the World Bank. According to him, 50 million youths in Nigeria were underemployed and three million new job seekers join the unemployment queue each year. The World Bank official wondered if there would not be social unrest eventually if the situation was not urgently addressed and canvassed a vibrant industrial sector as a way forward.
To buttress this point, the President of the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), Mr. Femi Deru said: “The rate of unemployment in the Nigerian economy is currently one of the highest in the world at 19.7 per cent. Over 50 per cent of the youths in the urban areas are unemployed. It is a very disheartening situation for parents who had laboured and strained to educate these youths. The state of affairs has assumed the dimension of an economic and social crisis. There is a relationship between rising criminality and unemployment. We should do something urgently to create jobs.”
The way forward for the different levels of government and their agencies is the provision of basic infrastructure such as power and roads. Along this line, there seems to be a glimmer of hope as a key interventionist agency of the Federal Government, the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), has taken some bold initiatives in infrastructure development. Here, the East-West Coastal Road project, which is a product of the Niger Delta Development Master Plan, stands out.
This mega project will no doubt open up the region that is unarguably the engine of the nation’s economy but sadly neglected over the years. The proposed 700 kilometres highway would gulp a staggering N1.8 trillion. It begins from Akamkpa in Cross River State and terminates at Ibeju Lekki in Lagos State.
The road holds enormous prospects for agriculture and economic development and must, therefore, be fully funded. This is one project that must not be neglected or abandoned as the people are already looking forward to its many benefits. For instance, Mr. William Dacoax, a surveyor, envisions a boom in fish production from the region. He said: “Based on our historical experiences on similar roads, the initiation of the project is bound to be fraught with all kinds of structural and political hindrances. The most visible impact is that there would be easy flow of fish products from the Niger Delta to key commercial centres such as Lagos, Kano and Onitsha, with attendant promise of more income to its inhabitants”.
Although building infrastructure is critical to growth, human capital development is an equally important component in achieving a holistic advancement. In this wise, the NDDC deserves commendation for trying to strike a balance between building roads and bridges and enhancing the capacity of the human person. The commission has been organising various skill acquisition programmes as well as offering scholarships to deserving students to study in both Nigerian and foreign universities.
As part of this effort, the NDDC, also embarked on a Technical Aid Corps [NTAC] programme, as a means of alleviating the unemployment situation in Nigeria’s oil-producing region. The commission said that it designed the programme to meaningfully engage graduates from the region and reduce the level of unemployed youths.
Since the programme took off last year, thousands of unemployed graduates have been enlisted by the commission and sent to various companies, including the Small and Medium Enterprises, SMEs, to work for two years. During the period the commission will pay each of the beneficiaries N30,000 a month which will be augmented by the employer with N15,000. Like the National Youth Service Corps [NYSC], the scheme is expected to help the young graduates gain the necessary experience, which would enhance their chances of securing gainful employment or to become self-employed at the end of their tutelage in the industries.
The NDDC scheme has the potential of reinvigorating the SMEs which are among the most potent forces responsible for the fast-tracking of the economic transformation of any country. Most of them lack the resources to hire graduates to boost their productivity. They can therefore take advantage of the availability of this relatively cheap labour to optimise their productivity and profitability. It is thus a win-win situation—the Federal Government through its agency mops up unemployed graduates from the labour market and the employers smile more often to their banks.
In order to get a good mileage from the scheme, the young graduates should be given an opportunity to hone their skills in their areas of specialisation. The graduates are expected to acquire specialised trainings that would at the end of the day empower them to set up their own businesses and stand on their own.
The Technical Aids Corps is a programme that the three levels of government and the private sector should be encouraged to buy into so that they can collectively mop up the teeming youths roaming the streets in search of employment. They should encourage this scheme by accepting graduates posted to them.
The task of creating jobs can only be tackled successfully when the right socio-economic conditions are created. Achieving this, of course, requires an investment-friendly climate, which presupposes that security of lives and property, provision of electricity as building of good roads, must be given top priority. According to an investment expert, Dr. (Mrs) Ngozi Awa, the quest to develop the Nigerian economy may remain a mirage unless efforts are made to boost the emergence of vibrant small and medium businesses in the country.
The sooner more jobs are created to gainfully engage the teeming unemployed graduates, the better for everyone. Efforts in this regard should begin in the Niger Delta which is the main artery that supplies the economic lifeblood of Nigeria.
Agbu, a journalist, writes from Port Harcourt.
Ifeatu Agbu
The traditional institution is as old as human society. It predates the advent of modern organised society. Before the emergence of modern justice system of dispute resolution and political system of administration, the traditional institution has existed long ago. In fact, it was so revered and regarded as sacred because of the mythological conviction that it was the “stool of the ancestors”. Consequently, judgment given was deified as many people especially the traditionalists believe it was the mind of the gods revealed. Perversion of justice , in the pre-modern justice system was alien and considered uncommon. Chiefs and traditional rulers though may not have generated knowledge formally (through the four walls of a classroom), yet they embody and exemplify knowledge. They hold fast the virtue of integrity and honour, fairness and relative impartiality, partly because they believed that the stool they occupy was ancestral and traditional as act of indiscretion can court the wrath of the gods at whose behest they are on the traditional saddle of authority.
The Compass of Life stated unequivocally that “the throne is preserved by righteousness”. Where righteousness, integrity and honesty are savoured,and valued, perversion and miscarriage of justice is an anomaly. The judgments of traditional rulers and chiefs were hardly appealed against because they were founded on objectivity, fairness, truth and facts beyond primordial sentiment and inordinate interests or pecuniary benefits. Judgments were precedent. Traditional rulers and chiefs, therefore carved a niche for themselves, earning the respect of, and endearing themselves to the heart of their subjects. Is it the same today? Some traditional rulers and chiefs are administering their communities in exile; they are diasporic leaders because they have lost the confidence of the people through self-serving, raising of cult group for self-preservation, land grabbing and other flagrant corrupt practices.
When truth is not found in the traditional institution that, in my considered view, constitutes the grassroots government, then crisis is inevitable.In most African societies before advent of the Christian Faith, and consequent Christening of the traditional stools in many communities in recent times, ascent to the traditional institution was a function of a traditional method of selection. It was believed that the gods make the selection. And whoever emerges from the divination processes eventually is crowned as the king of the people after performing the associated rituals.Whoever lacked the legitimacy to sit on the throne but wanted to take it forcefully, traditionalists believed died mysteriously or untimely. Traditional rulers wielded much influence and power because of the authority inherent in the stool, the age of the person designated for the stool notwithstanding. The word of the king was a law, embodied power. Kings so selected are forthright, accountable, transparent, men of integrity, did not speak from both sides of the mouth, could not be induced with pecuniary benefits to pervert justice, they feared the gods of their ancestors and were consecrated holistically for the purpose dictated by the pre and post coronation rituals.
Some of those crowned king were very young in those days, but they ruled the people well with the fear of the gods. There was no contention over who is qualified to sit or who is not qualified to. It was the prerogative of the gods. And it was so believed and upheld with fear.Kings were natural rulers, so they remained untouchable and could not be removed by a political government. If a king committed an offence he was arrested and prosecuted according to the provision of the law. But they have immunity from sack or being dethroned because they are not political appointees. However, the people at whose behest he became king reserved the power to remove him if found guilty of violating oath of stool. The traditional institution is actually the system of governance nearest to the people. And kings were the chief security officers of their communities. So indispensable are the roles of kings and traditional rulers to the peaceful co-existence of their people, ensuring that government policies and Programmes were seamlessly spread to the people that many people are clamouring for the inclusion of definite and specific roles in the Constitution for the traditional institution.
Traditional rulers are fathers to every member of their domain. So they are not expected to discriminate, show favouritism. By their fatherly position traditional rulers, though can not be apolitical, are also expected to be immune from partisan politics. This is because as one who presides over a great house where people of different political divide or interest belong, an open interest for a political party means ostracisation of other members of the family which could lead to disrespect, conflict of interest, wrangling and anarchy. Traditional rulers are supposed to be selfless, preferring the interest of their people above their personal interests following the consciousness that they are stewards whose emergence remains the prerogative of the people. The position is essentially for service and not for personal aggrandisement and ego massaging. So they should hold the resources of the people in trust. However, in recent past the traditional institution has suffered denigration because of unnecessary emotional attachment to political parties and political leaders. Some traditional rulers and kings have shown complete disregard to the principle of neutrality because of filthy lucre and pecuniary gains, at the expense of the stool and people they lead. Sadly some traditional rulers have been influenced to pervert justice: giving justice to the offender who is rich against the poor.
Traditional leaders should be reminded that the “throne is preserved by righteousness”, not by political chauvinism, favouritism, or materialism.Traditional rulers should earn their deserved respect from political leaders by refusing the pressure to be subservient, beggarly, sycophantic and docile. Traditional leaders have natural and permanent leadership system, unlike the political leadership that is transient and tenured.They should be partners with every administration in power and should not be tied to the apron string of past leaders whose activities are aversive to the incumbent administration and thereby constituting a clog in the development of the State and the community they are to woo infrastructure development to. It is unpardonable error for a traditional ruler to have his conscience mortgaged for benefits he gets inordinately from any government.It is necessary to encourage kings and traditional rulers to not play the roles of stooges and clowns for the privileged few, political leaders. Political leaders are products of the people, even as every government derives its legitimacy from the people.
No doubt, the roles of traditional rulers are so necessary that no political or military government can operate to their exclusion. This is why the 10th National Assembly mulled the inclusion of Traditional institution in the proposed amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.Traditional rulers and chiefs should, therefore, be and seen to be truthful, forthright, bold, courageous, honest and people of integrity, not evasive, cunning, unnecessarily diplomatic and economical with truth.The time to restore the dignity of the traditional institution is now but it must be earned by the virtuous disposition of traditional rulers and chiefs.
Igbiki Benibo
The Tax Reform Bills, presented by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to the National Assembly for passage since October, 2024, have continued to stir hot debates both at the National Assembly and within the wider Nigerian society. A quartet of presidential proposals comprising; the Nigeria Tax Bill 2024, the Nigeria Tax Administration Bill, the Nigeria Revenue Service Establishment Bill, and the Joint Revenue Board Establishment Bill; the bills present the most audacious overhauls in revenue collection laws ever proposed in Nigeria. The Nigeria Tax Bill (NTB) promises to be a comprehensive piece of single legislation that streamlines tax administration in the country.
Currently, national taxes and revenue collections are being administered through more than 11 different direct/indirect laws, and collected through numerous agencies, often times without inter-agency co-ordination, transparent accountability and timely remittances. Recent reports exposed a recurrent setback of the status quo, when in January, 2025, the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC) accused the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) of withholding N13.763 trillion. According to FAAC, out of the N27.28 trillion payable to the federation accounts from sales of domestic crude between 2012 and 2024, only N13.524 trillion had been remitted, leaving a balance of N13.763 trillion. Such accusations are weighty, and no doubts, justify the need to streamline revenue collections in the country.
Going by its current proposal, the NTB aims to repeal 11 prevailing laws – Capital Gains Tax Act, Casino Act, Companies Income Tax Act, Deep offshore and Inland Basin Act, Industrial Development (Income Tax Relief) Act, Income Tax (Authorised Communications) Act, Personal Income Tax Act, Petroleum Profits Tax Act, Stamp Duties Act, Value Added Tax Act and Venture Capital (Incentives) Act. These repeals would trigger a cascade of consequential amendments on numerous other enactments, encompassing the Petroleum Industry Act, the Nigerian Export Processing Zones Act, the Oil and Gas Free Trade Zone Act, the Petroleum (Drilling and Production) Regulations of 1969, the National Information Technology Development Agency Act, the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (Establishment) Act, the National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure (Establishment) Act, the Customs, Excise Tariffs, Etc. (Consolidation) Act, the National Lottery Act, the Nigerian Minerals and Mining Act, the Nigeria Start-up Act, the Export (Incentives and Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, the Federal Roads Maintenance Agency (Establishment, Etc.) Act, and the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, Etc.) Act.
A key reality is that NTB’s axing blows would scrap the laws that established Federal Inland Revenues Service (FIRS), and in its place establish the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS). The NTB proposes vesting upon the NRS, unlike in the FIRS, the powers to collect all taxes in Nigeria, including excise and import duties currently reserved for the Nigerian Customs Service, and oil revenue royalties which presently is the exclusive privilege of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). The NTB would be empowering the NRS with a supremacy clause which provides in part that, “this Act shall take precedence over any other law with regard to the imposition of tax, royalty, levy, excise duty on services or any other tax. Where the provisions of any other law is inconsistent with the provisions of this Act, the provisions of this Act shall prevail and the provisions of that other law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void.”
If passed, the emergent laws would have far-reaching reverberations across revenue generating and collecting interests across Nigeria. The new laws would phase-out or drastically shrink the powers of institutions that by their strong-holds on the proceeds of national resources, had detected the pace of the Central Bank of Nigeria and even those of governments. Proponents of the tax laws say the new reform is to increase revenue collection efficiency and reduce collection costs, considering that revenue agencies deduct commissions as collection charges even as their staff are employees of government, paid salaries for same job. However, the closing of every economic order may create losers and usher-in new set of winners. It is therefore no wonder that the tax reform bills have continued to generate much heated debates in Tinubu’s administration than no others.
Worrisome however, is the trend of the ensuing arguments which, tending towards a rather North Vs South polarising dimension, have concentrated solely on the sharing formular for Value Added Taxes (VATs), while politicians appear to be neglecting numerous other issues that bear more on the generality of Nigerians. It is also disappointing that much attention is not being paid to the blocking of revenue collection loopholes. How that Nigeria’s commonwealth is equitably harnessed and distributed to care for every Nigerian, should have been the crux of revenue arguments. As the NTB proposes a progressive VAT that would jump from 7.5per cent to 10per cent in 2025, then to 12.5per cent from 2026 to 2029, and culminate to 15per cent in 2030, it implies there is no plan to tame the current inflation burdens currently inflicting Nigerians…. (To be continued)
Joseph Nwankwor
The “withdrawn” reaction of the Rivers State Police Command to public condemnation of the police antagonism to a recent peaceful protest in Port Harcourt, tagged #Take-IT-Back Movement organised by Civil Society Organisations, the Niger Delta Congress and other concerned groups, leave much to be desired. The Police Public Relations Officer of the Rivers State Command, Grace Iringe-Koko in what seems a brilliant defence to the action of the unprofessional and inordinately ambitious conduct of the policemen had described those whom the police threw cannisters of teargas at, as, “miscreants and thieves”. To say the least, the Channel Television Reporter, Charles Opurum, Allwell Ene of Naija FM, Soibelelemari Oruwari of Nigeria Info, Ikezam Godswill of AIT and Femi Ogunkhilede of Super FM who were among those tear-gassed while discharging their legitimate duties of covering the peaceful protest, could not have been “miscreants” and “thieves”. Such practice of giving people a bad name to whip up public sentiment and hate and give a cosmetic treatment to an exceedingly ugly incident, seems the antics of some men of the Nigeria Police.
Some years ago I remember a trigger- happy police officer had rhetorically asked me, “Do you know I can shoot you here and brand you a criminal”? The question that readily came to my mind was, if a public officer and a professional journalist of several years of practice could be so threatened and branded a criminal, what is the fate of common citizens in society. That lends credibility to the fact that some victims of police brutality and extra-judicial killings are innocent. They are mere victims of circumstances. It is also common experience that men of the Nigeria Police swoop on scenes of crime, arrest some innocent residents of the area, brand them suspects and hurl them in detention for more than 48 hours. Nigeria Police should be more professional enough in their operations, so that innocent people will not suffer humiliation, incarceration and financial losses for bail. Agreed that it is within the statutory obligation of the Public Relations unit to launder the image of its organisation, but it should be done with discretion, and not with utter disregard and disrespect to the sanctity of human lives. Refutal must be factual and truth based.
The public relations or image making service if not done conscientiously can dent the credibility and integrity of a practitioner. No doubt the viral video clips on the police hurling teargas cannisters on peaceful protesters cannot be described as a figment of imagination or an attempt to “incite public anxiety and create unnecessary tension within the State” as stated by the Police Public Relations Officer in her reaction to public condemnation of the action of her colleagues. Though the able and Media-friendly Rivers State Commissioner of Police has apologised to the Nigeria Union of Journalists, Rivers State Council and the assaulted Journalists, for the unprofessional conduct of the policemen who were involved in the Journalists’ brutality, the conduct was, according to the leadership of Rivers State Council of Nigeria Union of Journalists, “barbaric, inhuman and a flagrant disrespect to the rights of the assaulted journalists. Recall that the Rivers State Police Command had described as false, unfounded and baseless, reports that police officers fired teargas on unarmed protesters in an attempt to disperse them.
In the words of the Police Public Relations officer, “Upon receiving intelligence regarding the protest, our officers were promptly deployed to the specified locations. “On arrival, a group of miscreants was observed engaging in criminal acts, including the theft of mobile phones and other valuables from unsuspecting members of the public. “Our operatives responded swiftly, dispersing the individuals. This baseless story appears to be a deliberate fabrication by mischief makers seeking to incite public anxiety and create unnecessary tension within the state.” However, it is time Nigeria Police realised that the right to peaceful protest is legitimate and fundamental. It is enshrined in International rights instruments, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and domesticated by Nigeria. Section 40 of Nigeria’s Constitution guarantees every citizen the right to assemble freely. The right to peaceful protest is the beauty and a function of democratic governance. It offers the masses the opportunity for self expression and calling erring or a failed government or leadership back to its statutory obligation.
It allows people to publicly voice their concerns, challenge injustices, and participate actively in the democratic process. Protests serve as a vital mechanism for holding leaders accountable and ensuring that government actions reflect the will and needs of the people. The recognition and approval of the right to protest is one action that makes a great difference between a truly democratic government from a repressive, dictatorial and despotic administration. Protest is evident and inevitable in every human institution or organisation from family to school, work places etc, if the heads or the administrators abuse their position and treat with contempt the people on whose prerogative they (leaders) were elected. Some children have also protested against their parents, students protest against wrong administration etc. Protest is therefore, a corrective mechanism, it is expression of a dissenting position against anti-people policies and programmes. The distinctiveness of the Democratic governance over the Military is unreserved and unalloyed respect and regard for the Rule of Law. If the Rule of Law and its implications are undermined, then there is inevitable transition to dictatorship, a military regime in the garb of a civilian administration.
However, the calamitous consequences during the #EndSARS protest and #EndBadGovernance protest show that the respect for the rule of law and its implications remain a far-cry to constitutional requirement. The losses incurred during such protests cannot be consigned to the dusbin of history in a hurry. What is the outcome of the #EndSARS protests and brutality? Nigeria Police and other security agencies should tread with caution on the issue of peaceful protests and treating journalists and innocent members of the public as “miscreants”, and “thieves”.
By: Igbiki Benibo