Opinion
The Church, Democracy And Good Governance
“Justice without strength is helpless, strength without justice is tyrannical. Unable to make what is just strong, we have made what is strong, just” Pascal, Pensees (1670).
“It is not enough to make policies, structures and systems, unless the mind that makes the policies, structures and systems changes”: paraphrased by Siaka Charles (2006).
The issue of governance is not new, it is as old as creation (Genesis 2:15-18). Sadly, the church is yet to demonstrate good example of principles of good governance. The Africa Church leaders have often been told by secular leaders to clean the huge backlog of injustices, corruption, leadership struggles, poor succession plans, tribalism, and mismanagement of resources. The list can go on and on, before they dare to speak against the issues in politics and governance.
In spite of all the above principles of bad governance in the church, it still has a large presence and commands respect. It, therefore, needs to clean the mess in its backyards in order to regain its rightful position in society.
The concept of good governance surfaced in 1989 in the World Bank report on sub-Saharan Africa, which characterized the crisis in the region as a “crisis of governance” (World Bank, 1989). Since then, governance, whether good or bad, has become a major conditionality for donor funds.
The Bible does not definitively mention good governance, but Genesis 1:28 and 2:15-17 described the situation where God instructed MAN to take care of creation, which involves decision making (stewardship). The World Bank defines good governance as the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development.
According to Prof. John Wibberley, governance means the setting and maintaining of standard of law and order; this may apply at family level but usually in the context of civil society. Good governance is comprehensive to issues it affects and considers. It, however, is not intrusive in seeking to control people’s lives in details, as in totalitarian states both in extreme left-wing case of communism and the extreme right-wing case of dictatorships; by a small oligarchy, and most times, by one dominant leader.
In considering good governance, democracy, which refers to the legitimacy of government, is seriously considered. No wonder the quality of governance is ultimately attributable to its democratic content. Neither democracy nor good governance is sustainable without the other. Therefore, there is need for the convergence of both, conceptually and practically.
A good governance system puts further requirements on the process of decision making and public policy formation. It extends beyond the capacity of public sector to the rules that create a legitimate, effective and efficient framework for the conduct of public policy.
Bad governance, on the other hand, refers to the breakdown in the effectiveness of government structures and systems. The governments of developing countries, especially those in Africa, are usually accused of bad governance to the point that donors’ funds meant for them are, more often than not, re-directed to civil society organizations.
Bad governance has negative attributes of the main thrust of good governance related to public sector management, financial management, modernization of public administration and the privatization of state owned enterprises in a transparent, accountable, participatory and equitable manner. Governance exists at family, community, church and institution, regional, local, national and global levels.
The actors of government depend on the levels of operation. The dimension of good governance includes: spiritual, political, economic, environmental, cultural and social. The church must ensure that the secular institution recognizes the spiritual dimension of governance because without it, we labour in vain.
For palatable governance, the following ingredients should be considered: Participation, rule of law, election (democracy), and independence of the judiciary, accountability, transparency, effectiveness and efficiency, delegation, capacity building, infrastructure development, effective reforms, responsiveness, consensus in decision making, effective communication and succession plan.
Many African countries have observed crucial democratic processes in the last two decades in observance of good governance. Nigeria, Africa’s big brother, just had its elections April, 2011. On the 11th August, 2007, Sierra Leoneans went to polls to elect their president and parliamentarians on constituency basis, the first in over 20 years. For the Church in Sierra-Leone, which includes para-church organizations such as Christian Development Association of Sierra-Leone (CDASL), the Evangelical Fellowship of Sierra-Leone (EFSL), the conduct of peaceful elections on August 11, 2007 was dream come true.
Within the decade, Liberia, Ghana, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, South Africa, Namibia, Rwanda, among others, conducted democratic elections, which brought in what looks like leaders popularly chosen by their people. In North Africa, the wind of change is currently blowing across the region, and what looks like democracy and good governance waits in the horizon. And Africans in the secular environment are taking the rebirth of inclusive democracy and good governance seriously as the best way to go.
As a church, we have emphasized the kingdom value for democracy and good governance as recorded in Genesis 1:26-28, I Corinthians 10:24, James 3:17, through seminars, training, workshops and sermons. The church has also made several press releases, sensitization and community mobilization efforts for violent-free elections. Prayers have been organized in churches and public places for the conduct of peaceful, orderly, free and fair elections. The church has led the way the declaration of periods of national prayers and fasting for peaceful elections. The church also took part in voter education on the necessity to participate in the electoral process, and in the provision of local election monitors to ensure transparency and fairness.
In general, the church must ensure that: Electors are encouraged to enable the electorate exercise their votes responsibly, and to call to account their elected leaders to act ethically in the cause of justice, peace and care for integrity of creation. Elected leaders, after elections from time-to-time should be made to give their stewardship to the people on their activities and how they have fulfilled the pledges they made in their manifestos.
We must realize that the real issues of democracy begin after elections. Effective strengthening, accountability, rule of law, and promotion of participation are the core values of democracy and good governance. Therefore, our elected leaders must explicitly address the issues of justice, equitable distribution of resources, implementation of policies and programmes which promote national unity, cohesion and democracy as an ultimate means to reduce poverty and human suffering.
The civil society organizations must also harmonize their different agenda. The church must continue to lead the country in prayers and Biblical thinking towards national well-being as recorded in Romans 13. They must prophetically speak out on issues from a Biblical standpoint via inter-denominational bodies such as CDASL, EFSL, CCSL, RURCON, CRUDAN, AERL, Tearfund, Micah Challenge/Network, PFN, CAN, among others.
The church’s role in good governance can be more effective and productive, if the former practically proclaims and demonstrates the principle of good governance itself. In Micah 6:8, the Lord requires the church to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humble with your God. This is the way to good governance!
Dr. Akpogena, a Christian devotional writer, resides in Port Harcourt.
Lewis Akpogena
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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