Opinion
Waiting For the Golden Opportunity
The Nigerian is an optimistic and a happy being. He thanks God for the good, the bad, and the ugly. So despite the backwardness and the unfulfilled promises of the founding fathers of the country, many Nigerians still savoured the joy of the nation’s 50 years of existence. In his broadcast on the occasion of the golden jubilee celebration at the foyer of the Presidential Villa, Abuja on October 1, 2010, President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan said: “This is the time to look forward to the great opportunities and challenges that lie ahead for Nigeria”.
It goes without saying that since its inception 50 years ago, the Nigerian nation has faced acute challenges and navigated several turning points, many crossroads.
On January 15, 1966, less than six years after its independence, the Nigerian Armed Forces seized the powers of government following a coup d’etat which resulted in the killing of four of the country’s national leaders: Sir Abukabar Tafawa Balewa, the prime minister of the federation, Chief Okotie Eboh, the federal minister of finance, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto and premier of Northern Region, and Chief S.L. Akintola, the premier of Western Region.
Thereafter, Major General J.T.U. Aguiyi-Ironsi, the Supreme Commander of the Nigerian Armed Forces abolished some aspects of the country’s first Republican Constitution, assumed governmental powers, and became the head of the federal military government.
On July 29, 1966, some disgruntled elements in the Nigerian Army organised a counter coup d’etat by which Major-General Aguiyi Ironsi and the Military Governor of Western Nigeria, Lt. Col. Adekunle Fajuyi were kidnapped and killed. Then on August 1, 1966, General Yakubu Gowon succeeded the late Major-General Aguiyi-Ironsi as the head of the military government and abolished the unitary system of government introduced by his predecessor.
But why did the military terminate the fledgling democracy in 1966 and subjected the country to its atrocious oligarchy for donkey years?
It was a known fact that the ruling political elite became perverse and left the polity floundering. They were accused of corruption and building castles and business empires for themselves and their cronies with public funds including 10 per cent of government contract values which they cornered to themselves. Worse still, they made the political landscae volatile resulting in the bloody crisis that left a catastrophic mark on the then Western Nigeria.
In the heat of the political wrangglings that swept across the length and breadth of the country, Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his aides were charged with treason and jailed.
All said and done, the developmental aspirations of the Nigerian people were not met during the country’s First Republic.
In the same vein, corruption, thuggery, political violence, unemployment, mass poverty, and other indicators of under-development brought the Second Republic which lasted only four years to its kneels in 1983. And what would have been the Third Republic, the 1989 Constitution, contrived by the General Ibrahim Babangida’s military administration did not see the light of the day as it was aborted before its birth.
Then May 29, 1999, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo received the instrument of office from the last military ruler, General Abdulsalami Abubakar as an elected president of the country. But when he handed over the mantle of leadership to the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua on May 29, 2007, would he say as the British conservative statesman and Prime Minister (1957-63), Harold Macmillan did about his country? Before Macmillan left office as British prime minister, he said: “Let us be frank about it. Most of our people have never had it so good. Go around the country, go to the industrial towns, go to the farms, and you will see a state of prosperity such as we have never had in my life time nor indeed ever in the history of this country”.
Yes, as the country’s president for eight years, many Nigerians can only remember Olusegun Obasanjo as a man who betrode the nation like a colossus, fearlessly taking decisions, and not minding whether he failed or not, and whether such decisions improved the objective living condition of the people or not.
Apparently, Obasanjo’s eight years democratic governance did not yield to the nation any improvement in the areas of electric power provision, infrastructural development, food supply, employment, and poverty alleviation. The dividends of democracy accrued mainly to the elites, especially the political class and their cronies.
To the subordinate class, particularly the urban poor and the rural masses, the dividends of democracy were a mirage.
On May 29, 2007 the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua raised the hopes of all Nigerians when he said in his inaugural speech: “Relying on the 7-Point Agenda that formed the basis of our compact with voters during the recent campaigns, we will concentrate on rebuilding our physical infrastructure and human capital in order to move our country forward. We will focus on accelerating economic and other reforms in a way that makes a concrete and visible difference to the ordinary people”.
Strictly speaking, nothing significant has happened to improve the living condition of the ordinary people since the inspiring speech was made.
And the accrual from President Jonathan’s efforts at moving the national economy forward since he mounted the saddle on May 6, 2010 following the death of his predecessor, Alhaji Yar’Adua, is still in the womb of time.
In the final analysis, the truth is that the country’s 50 years journey has been indefensibly sluggish and tortuous, filled with frustrations and hiccups.
The golden jubilee should not just end with the pomp and pageantry with which it was celebrated and the endless and empty promises made by the powers that be. It should be seen as a decisive turning point in the life of the nation; a golden opportunity for the privileged and ruling elite to rise above their self-serving attitude and other perversions that have subjected the rest of the people to abject poverty and suffering in the midst of plenty.
Vincent Ochonma
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Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
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