Opinion
Nigeria’s Political Culture And Elections
The current global concern for Nigeria’s political growth has continued to call for a review of the nation’s electoral system with its political culture. This was a major focus of Obama administration during Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s (now president) visit to Washington DC few weeks ago.
During a meeting with the United States Council of Foreign Relations, President Goodluck Jonathan promised to clean up the nation’s Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and to put credible people there who would raise the stake for a free and fair election in Nigeria.
This seemed fair and laudable indeed. But as experience has shown, it is one thing to declare an avowed intention for free and fair election and another to bring it to reality. One major constraint that has over the years continued to hinder our electoral system and success with democracy is our parochial or minimal political culture.
Anthropologists have identified three segments of a nation’s culture, namely behaviour patterns, artifacts and belief system. It is from these clusters of beliefs, attitudes and opinions that a nation’s political culture emerged. This is because political decisions are not made in a vacuum. They are made within the context of institutional arrangement that reflects the societal values, attitudes and political mores.
Political scientists look at it as shared values, attitudes, beliefs and political institutions. The characteristics of a particular political culture are important variables in helping to answer some fundamental questions about behaviour that leads to stability or instability of a country.
If we consider Machiavelli’s view of political culture and conduct of election and Mostesquieu’s conditions for democracy, we may raise a brow against Nigeria’s quest for a free and fair election. Machiavelli believed that to have a sound political culture, the actual conduct of politics and the “moral habits” of citizens must coincide with the norms of behaviour prescribed by state’s constitution.
The 1999 Constitution of Federal Republic of Nigeria provides such condition. Embedded in it are: Its universal suffrage, representative government through competitive political party system, a presidential form of government based on the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances, to mention a few. All stable and successful democracies depend on these.
But it is not enough to have these features in our constitution. Montesquieu provides a link between the constitution and value system. Looking at a democratic society, he concluded that its main features may not lie in any neat institutional arrangement but in the spirit or intention behind them, not in the laws but in the spirit of the laws.
By implication, the political parties which organise millions of citizens in terms of shared values, common identities and overlapping interests are the fulcrum for expressions of nation’s political will and for exercising this “spirit of the laws” They stimulate interest in politics and educate the public and the uninitiated about outstanding problems which require solutions. They crystallise opinion and create consensus and will that are the basis for conducting an election that should reflect the spirit behind the constitution.
But it is there that the good story often ends, When the party banners are carried into the political combat of election, it becomes a theatre of the absurd. The repetitive patterns of electoral violence, rigging, falsification of popular vote and disenfranchisement breathe hatred and alienation into the political arena.
This is further compounded by PDP’s dominance of our political party system, even though our constitution has no provision for one party system. This has gradually developed into a warped version of authoritarian democracy in which PDP has become intolerance of opposing opinions of other parties. It was worse during Obasanjo regime. Was it not then that we began to hear of do or die politics, a view of politics that disregarded the “general will” and constitutional provision?
What are the effects of this on our political culture? First, it has kept it on a cross road between subjective and parochial .Winning an election becomes a question of using corrupt method to deliver votes to the dominant or incumbent party. Secondly, citizens maintain passive relationship to the system because their votes don’t count. It cannot count when thugs unleash terror at voting centres, cart away ballot boxes and stuff them with fake voting cards. This keeps people from developing the right political attitudes and role that will make them loyal and patriotic.
I usually leave polling booth not in high spirit but in a state of shock or morbid gloom because like most voters, I am powerless to exert any real influence in politics. I have been unable to determine who should rule me. Every election in Nigeria has been characterised by similar experiences: Is the procedure for transferring power from one government to another right?
Certainly, President Obama and members of his Council of Foreign Relations might have contemplated similar question. It was good that President Goodluck Jonathan promised them an electoral reform that would swing Nigeria to the positive side of a true democracy.
President Goodluck Jonathan has a lot more to do to guarantee that. Nigerians need a political transformation that will shift our political culture from its narrowness to an active and broad culture where voters would no longer be bullied out of the polling centres. We need a political culture in which people will see politicians working not for selfish or parochial interest but for the public good. We need a political culture that will help us develop the right political attitude and role for loyalty and patriotism. These will raise our political behaviour above the prevailing rigging, chaos, uncertainty and violence that raise global concern about our political culture.
Otonna rides in Port Harcourt.
Victor Otonna
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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