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The Evil Of Casual Labour

Published

16 years ago

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For Timiebi Aligbali, a casual staff with the Kubwa Unit of the Power Holding Company Of Nigeria (PHCN, Abuja, February 11, 2010 was just another day on the job.

He had done the same job for 11 years since he was engaged as a casual worker for the PHCN after completing a Diploma course in electrical engineering.

But the day turned out to be his final on the job as he was electrocuted when he climbed an electric pole to effect some repairs.

Expectedly, his death was greeted with some protest by other casual workers of the Kubwa unit of the PHCN.

Some of the protesters, who spoke with journalists, said they were angry that the management of the PHCN did not comply with the rules which forbade casual workers from climbing poles.

The casual workers, by the rule guiding their engagement, are also forbidden from engaging in other life threatening activities of the power company.

But for Aligbali’s wife and little daughter, the loss of their bread winner was particularly devastating because casual staff are not entitled to anything from their employers.

“The situation is particularly bad because the casual worker is not entitled to even a funeral grant,” laments Sylvestre Aligbali, the late PHCN worker’s uncle.

Records from the PHCN shows that the company has thousands of casual labourers across the nation, especially in the main cities.

Incidentally, it is not only PHCN that is host to so many casual labourers.

Statistics from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) show that a bulk of workers in the Telecommunication, Oil and Gas sectors are casual labourers.

Other sectors with thousands of casual labourers include mining, steel, banking and insurance.

A recent report by the Campaign for Democratic and Workers’ Rights in Nigeria, an NGO dealing with labour issues, said recently that 45 per cent of Nigeria’s labour force is made up of casual workers.

The report expressed the fear that the situation would only worsen as employers seek out ways to reduce cost of doing business.

Chief Olumide Adeyemi, a legal practitioner, who specialises in Labour law describes ‘casualisation’ as a working arrangement that is not permanent in nature.

“It does not fall within the traditional standard employment relationship,” he said.

According to him, workers in this arrangement do not have a permanent job status and do not get the same pay and benefits as their regular permanent counterparts doing the same job and working the same hours.

Adeyemi said that the continued engagement of casual labourers was at variance with provisions of section 17 (a) of the Constitution, which guarantees “equal pay for equal work”.

“The section frowns against discrimination on account of sex, or any other ground whatsoever and so the discrimination in pay between permanent and casual employees should not exist,” he said.

He lamented that many casual employees do not have letters of employment while many companies do not have records of their casual employees in order to evade the law.

Tracing the history of casualisation of workers in Nigeria, Mr Chinedu Alozie, a senior lecturer in the Department of Industrial Relations, University of Lagos, said that it became a feature of the Nigerian labour market in the late 1980s.

“It became prominent when the country adopted the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in line with the neo-liberal policies prescribed by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.”

According to Alozie, one of the effects of this policy was the retrenchment of workers in the public sector, which created large scale unemployment.

“The private sector, which was to be strengthened by government policies to absorb these workers, could not absorb all the retrenched workers from the public sector. “Because of that, many of the workers were employed as casual and contract workers with low remuneration, limited benefits and lack of right to organise,” he said.

To protect the contract workers, the International Labour Organisation(ILO) in 1998 declared in Philadelphia that its member must “respect, promote and safeguard the principles concerning the fundamental rights at work”.

The Declaration, although not binding in international law, suggests that member countries have an obligation to respect and promote the fundamental principles involved, whether or not they have ratified the relevant ILO Conventions.

Incidentally, Nigeria has ratified the ILO Convention and is thus obliged to uphold it.

Again, the African Charter, which has been enacted as an Act of Nigeria’s National Assembly, provides in Article 15 that, “every individual shall have the right to work under equitable and satisfactory conditions’’.

The Act also says that all Nigerians must receive “equal pay for equal work”.

Specifically, the Act states that there should not be any form of discrimination in employment between standard workers and their nonstandard counterparts.

In Nigeria, the campaign against casual labour was intensified by the Nigerian trade unions in 2000, when they embarked on picketing activities on companies believed to be guilty of the offence.

But picketing has not yielded the desired result, as the incidence of temporary staffing continues.

For the casual workers, the situation is only worsened by the fact that they are not part of any trade union as they are not fully employed.

Although there has not been much struggle against casual staffing, the NLC says it has not yet relented in its effort to fight against the use of casual staff.

NLC General Secretary, John Odah, while defending the lull in the union’s fight against temporary staffing, dismissed insinuations that the NLC has lost the fight against casualisation.

“On the contrary, the fight against casual or contract staffing by employers in the country is still on and we are planning to take it up as a big issue soon,” he said.

Odah, however, accused government of being indifferent to the plight of such category of workers.

“That indeed compounds the problem,” he said.

 He argued that it was the responsibility of the Ministry of Labour and Productivity to see to the welfare of Nigerian workers and ensure that they are treated fairly and justly.

He lamented that government agencies, which should aid labour activities in the country, have joined employers to violate labour laws.

“The Ministry has been empowered by the constitution to safeguard workers, but unfortunately, they have not been doing their job,” he said.

Adeyemi, the legal practitioner, agrees with Odah and blames government for not creating adequate policies that will regulate labour relations.

Adeyemi identified food, steel, beverage and engineering outfits as the worst culprits, saying that the unions have tried in vain to end the trend.

But government said recently that it was doing its best to check the trend by applying the right laws.

According to the immediate past Minister of Labour and Productivity Adetokunboh Kayode, the Federal Government has advocated an “effective law” as a means of eliminating the casualisation of staff.

“The moment a law is enacted, everything will be in place, and the idea of casualisation will be eliminated,” he said.

For Mr Dimeji Bankole, Speaker, House of Representatives, the trend is “a very unfriendly labour practice”.

“Casualisation undermines the productivity and efficiency of Nigeria workers,” he told members of the House recently.

He said it was in a bid to forestall such practice that the new labour bill was being carefully studied in the House.

But Mr Peter Akpatason, immediate past President, National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG), believes that government must go beyond pronouncements and do the right thing to check the trend.

He described casualisation as “one evil that has for long remained the bane of the oil industry”.

“NUPENG has made lots of efforts to tackle the problem of casualisation in the oil and gas sector by seeking to convert all contract workers to permanent employees.

“The advent of this global inhuman staffing strategy, which only takes congnisance of cost reductions for investors, has resulted in a gradual drift from decent work to the most precarious work relationship.

“It constitutes the single largest and most contentious challenge to unions worldwide and needs to be quickly addressed by government.”

Mohammed writes for NAN.

 

Zainab Mohammed

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Opinion

Curbing Youth Unemployment In Nigeria

Published

1 week ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote: “A nation that fails to empower its youth risks mortgaging its future.”
Youth, generally defined as individuals between the ages of 15 and 35, represent a critical phase of human development—a transition from adolescence to adulthood marked by ambition, energy, and the pursuit of purpose. In Nigeria, this demographic constitutes a significant proportion of the population, making it one of the country’s greatest assets. However, this strength is increasingly undermined by a persistent and troubling challenge: youth unemployment.
Unemployment, the condition of being without gainful employment despite the willingness and ability to work, remains a major global concern. In Nigeria, however, it has reached alarming levels, particularly among young people. With estimates suggesting that a substantial percentage of Nigerian youth are either unemployed or underemployed, the consequences have become deeply embedded in the nation’s social and economic fabric.
The impact of youth unemployment is both widespread and severe. Economically, it leads to increased poverty levels and reduced productivity. Socially, it fuels frustration, hopelessness, and disillusionment among young people. This often manifests in rising rates of crime, cyber fraud, substance abuse, and involvement in political violence. When young people are unable to find legitimate means of livelihood, they may become vulnerable to negative influences, posing a threat not only to themselves but to society at large.
One of the primary drivers of youth unemployment in Nigeria is the inadequacy of the educational system. While many young Nigerians graduate from tertiary institutions each year, a significant number lack the practical and technical skills required in today’s job market. The disconnect between academic curricula and industry demands leaves graduates ill-prepared for employment, thereby widening the gap between education and employability.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s heavy dependence on the oil sector has contributed significantly to the unemployment crisis. Over the years, this reliance has led to the neglect of other critical sectors such as agriculture, manufacturing, and technology—sectors that have the potential to generate large-scale employment. The failure to diversify the economy has limited job opportunities and stifled innovation, leaving many young people without viable career paths.
In addition, rapid population growth continues to put immense pressure on the labor market. Each year, thousands of graduates enter the workforce, but the number of available jobs remains insufficient to absorb them. This imbalance creates intense competition for limited opportunities, leaving many qualified individuals unemployed for extended periods.
Access to finance also remains a major barrier for young Nigerians who wish to venture into entrepreneurship. Despite the creativity and entrepreneurial spirit that many youths possess, the lack of access to credit facilities, mentorship, and business support systems makes it difficult for them to establish and sustain their own enterprises. This challenge is further compounded by infrastructural deficits, such as unreliable power supply and limited access to technology.
Security challenges across various parts of the country have also worsened the situation. In some regions, economic hardship and lack of opportunities have made young people susceptible to recruitment into violent or extremist activities. This not only exacerbates insecurity but also diverts the energy of the youth away from productive engagement.
Addressing youth unemployment in Nigeria requires a comprehensive and collaborative approach. The government must take the lead by implementing policies that promote economic diversification, particularly by investing in agriculture, manufacturing, and the digital economy. These sectors hold immense potential for job creation and can absorb a large portion of the unemployed youth population.
Equally important is the reform of the educational system to emphasize skill acquisition, vocational training, and entrepreneurship. Schools and institutions must align their curricula with market needs, ensuring that graduates are equipped with relevant and practical skills. Public-private partnerships can play a vital role in facilitating internships, apprenticeships, and job placement programs.
The private sector also has a crucial role to play in driving job creation and innovation. By investing in youth-focused initiatives and supporting startups, businesses can help unlock the potential of young Nigerians. Additionally, financial institutions should develop more accessible and youth-friendly credit schemes to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
On an individual level, young people must embrace self-development, adaptability, and continuous learning. In an increasingly competitive and evolving global economy, acquiring digital skills, engaging in vocational training, and exploring entrepreneurial opportunities can significantly improve employability.
In conclusion, youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges facing Nigeria today. However, it is not an insurmountable problem. With deliberate policies, strategic investments, and collective action from government, the private sector, and individuals, Nigeria can transform its youth population into a powerful engine of growth and development. By empowering young people with opportunities, skills, and resources, the nation can secure a more prosperous and stable future.
IVARA Favour Isaac is a student of Pan-African Institute of Management and Technology.
By:  Ivara Favour Isaac
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Opinion

Ozoro Festival: Tradition or Tyranny?

Published

1 week ago

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March 30, 2026

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Quote:“These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.”
In recent days, national attention has turned to the small community of Ozoro in Delta State, where what was once described as a cultural fertility rite—the Alue-Do Festival—has become the subject of outrage, grief, and urgent national reflection. According to accounts from notable indigenes of Ozoro and the Isoko ethnic group, the festival was originally conceived as a symbolic ritual intended to bless couples struggling with conception. In theory, it was meant to celebrate life, continuity, and communal identity. However, what reportedly unfolded on March 22 bore no resemblance to any noble cultural ideal. Videos circulating widely on social media show groups of men chasing women, forcibly stripping them, and subjecting them to sexual assault in public spaces. These images are not merely disturbing; they represent a direct assault on human dignity, bodily autonomy, and the rule of law.
They compel us to confront a difficult but necessary question: when does tradition cease to be culture and become tyranny? It is encouraging that prominent voices—including the First Lady, the Minister of Women Affairs, human rights organisations, and women’s advocacy groups—have condemned these barbaric acts. The Delta State Government has since banned the Alue-Do Festival, while law enforcement authorities have reportedly made arrests. Yet beyond the immediate outrage lies a deeper and more uncomfortable conversation—one that communities across the country must confront honestly: the thin line between culture and abuse. “Culture is not static—it evolves, or at least, it should.” Culture is often described as the soul of a people, encompassing traditions, beliefs, and practices passed down through generations. Nigeria is richly endowed with diverse cultural heritage, much of which we rightly celebrate.
 However, when culture becomes a shield for harmful practices, it loses its moral authority. When actions that violate fundamental human rights are justified in the name of tradition, we must ask: whose culture is this, and at what cost? The events in Ozoro illustrate how a practice that may once have held symbolic meaning can devolve into something deeply harmful. Even if the Alue-Do Festival began as a benign fertility rite, its present manifestation—marked by violence and coercion—cannot be defended. “Culture must align with dignity, consent, and respect—anything less is not tradition, but abuse.” One of the most persistent arguments in defence of controversial practices is that they are “part of our heritage” and therefore beyond criticism. Yet harmful practices—child marriage, inhumane widowhood rites, and domestic abuse—have long been justified using this same reasoning. This argument is not only flawed; it is dangerous. No culture is above scrutiny, particularly when it endangers the rights and safety of its people.
History reminds us that many practices once considered “normal” are now widely condemned. Societies progress by questioning and reforming such practices—not by clinging to them. Nigeria is not exempt from this reality. As a nation governed by law and constitutional principles, we cannot afford to tolerate practices that undermine the rights of citizens—especially women. At the heart of the Ozoro incident lies a broader societal issue: the perception of women as objects rather than autonomous individuals. The actions of the perpetrators were not isolated—they were enabled by a mindset that sees women’s bodies as accessible, controllable, and, in some contexts, communal property. “Women are not possessions, prizes, or objects of exploitation—they are individuals with rights, agency, and dignity.” This mindset reflects a deeper systemic problem often described as “rape culture,” visible in victim-blaming narratives, the dismissal of harassment, and the silence that frequently surrounds abuse.
 For meaningful change to occur, this mindset must be confronted directly. Parents, religious institutions, government agencies, and the media all have critical roles to play in reshaping societal attitudes. Traditional institutions also wield significant influence, particularly in rural communities. With that influence comes responsibility—not only to preserve culture but to ensure that cultural practices align with contemporary standards of human rights and decency.The reported denial by the Ovie of Ozoro Kingdom of knowledge of the recent festival raises important questions about oversight and accountability. Community leaders and members alike must rise to their responsibilities. Cultural practices are sustained by collective acceptance. Silence, indifference, or complicity only perpetuate harm. While cultural reform is essential, it must be accompanied by accountability. The arrests made in connection with the incident are a step in the right direction, but they must lead to tangible outcomes. “Justice must not only be done—it must be seen to be done.”
 Allowing perpetrators of sexual violence to go unpunished sends a dangerous message—that such actions are tolerable. This fosters a culture of impunity. The law must be clear and unequivocal: sexual assault, in any form and under any guise, is a crime. It is not a cultural expression—it is a violation.It must be emphasised that calling for the abandonment of harmful cultural practices is not an attack on tradition, but a call to refine it.  Culture, at its best, is dynamic—it adapts while preserving its core values.“Tradition should uplift, not oppress.” Modernising culture does not mean erasing identity. It means ensuring that traditions remain relevant, inclusive, and respectful of human dignity. As Nigeria continues to evolve, it must decide what kind of society it aspires to be: one that hides behind tradition to justify abuse, or one that embraces progress while honouring its heritage responsibly. The outrage over the events in Ozoro is justified—but outrage alone is not enough
. It must translate into action: legal, cultural, and educational. We must state, without ambiguity, that no tradition justifies the violation of human dignity. We must hold perpetrators accountable and challenge the attitudes that enable such acts. True development is measured not only by infrastructure or economic growth, but by how a society treats its most vulnerable members. “If a cultural practice dehumanises, degrades, or endangers, it has no place in a modern society.” Where tradition fails to uphold dignity, it ceases to be culture. It becomes tyranny.
By: Calista Ezeaku
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Opinion

Bazia  EXCO @ One: NUJ Rivers Reawakened

Published

3 weeks ago

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March 23, 2026

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Quote: “For the first time in years, Rivers journalists are not just hearing promises—they are seeing a union that works.”
The first year in office of the Paul Bazia-led executive of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), has offered something many had almost given up on—renewed confidence in union leadership. For a body as critical as the NUJ, whose responsibility goes beyond professional coordination to include the welfare, protection, and continuous development of journalists, expectations are always high. Unfortunately, past experiences had conditioned many members to expect less—less action, less visibility, and less impact.This is why the past twelve months stand out. Within a relatively short period, the Bazia-led administration has demonstrated a level of drive that distinguishes it from its predecessors. There is a noticeable shift from inertia to activity, from routine administration to purposeful leadership. Initiatives captured in the one-year report point to an executive that understands both the urgency of its mandate and the frustrations of its members.
Particularly commendable is the renewed attention to journalists’  welfare. For too long, welfare issues have lingered without meaningful resolution, leaving many practitioners feeling unsupported. The current leadership’s efforts—through engagement, structured support, and timely interventions—signal a welcome change in priorities. Equally important is the push toward professional development. In an era where journalism is rapidly evolving, capacity building is no longer optional. The administration’s commitment to training and skill enhancement reflects an understanding that a stronger union must be built on more competent and competitive professionals. There is also something to be said about visibility and voice. A vibrant NUJ must not only serve its members internally but also stand as a credible voice in the public space—defending press freedom, promoting ethical standards, and constructively engaging critical issues.
Encouragingly, the current executive appears more present and responsive, giving the union a renewed sense of relevance. Perhaps what resonates most, however, is the sense of movement. For many members, the difference between the present and the immediate past is not subtle—it is clear. Where there was once stagnation, there is now direction. Where there was doubt, there is growing belief. Beyond the visible strides recorded within this first year, what perhaps deserves even greater applause is the restoration of institutional confidence within the Nigeria Union of Journalists. For a long time, many members had grown disenchanted, viewing the union more as a ceremonial body than an active force capable of defending their interests and advancing their welfare. That narrative, however, is gradually changing. The Bazia-led executive has not only initiated programs but has also rekindled a sense of belonging among members.
 Meetings appear more purposeful, engagements more intentional, and decisions more reflective of collective interest. This psychological shift—subtle as it may seem—is one of the most critical achievements of the past year, because a union that its members believe in is already halfway to effectiveness. It is also important to underscore the contrast with the immediate past, not as an exercise in criticism, but as a necessary context for measuring progress. Where previous administrations struggled to translate plans into action, the current leadership has shown a greater bias for execution. Projects that once lingered in discussion stages are now seeing tangible movement, and issues that were previously deferred are receiving attention. This difference in approach—moving from prolonged deliberation to decisive action—has helped reposition the union as a more responsive and relevant institution.
While no administration is without its shortcomings, the willingness to act, even in the face of constraints, marks a significant departure from what members were accustomed to. Looking ahead, the expectations of members—and indeed the wider public—will only grow stronger. With a solid first year behind it, the Bazia-led executive now carries the burden of consistency. Members will expect deeper welfare interventions that go beyond immediate relief to more sustainable support systems. They will look for expanded training opportunities that prepare journalists for the rapidly changing media landscape. They will also expect a firmer, more courageous voice on issues affecting press freedom and professional integrity. Above all, they will demand continuity—assurance that the progress recorded so far is not a fleeting phase but the beginning of a sustained transformation.
Meeting these expectations will not be easy, but it is precisely this challenge that defines enduring leadership. That said, this moment of applause must also serve as a moment of reflection. A strong first year inevitably raises expectations. Journalists in Rivers State will now look beyond initial achievements toward consolidation. Welfare interventions must become more structured and far-reaching. Training programs must be sustained and expanded. Advocacy must become more consistent and impactful. Most importantly, the unity of the union must be strengthened, ensuring that all members feel included and carried along. Transparency will also be key. Continued open communication about finances, decisions, and challenges will deepen trust and set a standard for accountable union leadership. The task ahead is clear: to convert early momentum into lasting institutional progress.
For the Bazia-led executive, the opportunity is significant. It has, within one year, reawakened belief in what the NUJ Rivers State Council can be. The next step is to ensure that this renewed energy does not fade, but instead becomes the foundation of a stronger, more responsive, and more respected union. For the members, the message is equally clear—expect more, demand more, and support what works because in the end, a vibrant union is not built by leadership alone, but by a collective commitment to progress. And for now, under Bazia, that progress has truly begun.
By: Sylvia ThankGod-Amadi
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