Opinion
N’Delta And Human Rights Abuse
Vivid images of environmental and political degradation of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria were a terrifyingly common place: surfaces of rivers and streams littered with dead fish; little children dying from the effects of contaminated water and the devastating impact of violent unrest by vast numbers of unemployed, disaffected and disenchanted youth. The apparent insensitivity of the Nigerian government and transnational corporation in the region deserves urgent attention.
The social economic problems in the region are grounded in a fundamental and systemic disregard for human rights and the inequities of resource allocation. If the revenues from natural resources obtained from these regions in Nigeria were properly managed and fairly allocated, the societal dissensions and historically deep resentments might be less profound.
It is no secret that the human rights regime as it relates to corporate responsibilities in Nigeria is somewhat rudimentary, although globalization has provided massive and profitable opportunities to companies and other multi-nationals in this region, the native inhabitants frequently continue to suffer. Investigations of corporate conduct carried out by Amnesty International and Judicial Watch in the Niger Delta region revealed serious violations of human rights, which have included, among others, environmental degradation, forcible displacement, extra-judicial killings and war crimes.
International human rights law principally affects two categories of actors who may be held liable for abuses. First is the states, through the concept of state responsibility.
States are custodians of full range of human rights, whether defined in treaties or customary law. Individual responsibility applies to a far smaller range of abuses, principally characterized by the gravity of their physical or spiritual assault on the individual.
The theory of corporate responsibility for human rights protection is now a seminal part of international law. Building upon the traditional notion whereby international law generally places duties on states and, more recently, individuals, it is pertinent to question how the international legal process might provide for human rights obligations directly on corporations. Although the United States and other developed countries recognise human rights protection due to corporate unethical activities, around the world, countries in Africa, including Nigeria argued that the duty to protect against human rights violations by third parties rests with the state. Yet, the Nigerian government has frequently failed to meet its obligations to respect and protect human rights, while it provides security to the oil industry, because of its importance to the economy.
The Nigerian government and the courts have consistently discouraged the institution of these law suits. This has resulted in institution of these law suits. This has resulted in instituting these actions in the US Federal District Courts under the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA). For example, in Ken Saro-Wiwa v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., a suit brought against International Shell Oil defendants in a US court for the detention and execution of several Nigerians, including prominent author, Ken Saro-Wiwa, arising out of disputes over the development of oil resources in Ogoni, Plaintiffs alleged that, Shell instigated, orchestrated, planned and supported the government of Nigeria to torture and execute the claimant’s family members. The federal district court sitting in New York held that it had jurisdiction to hear the case. The case was later settled.
The Alien Tort Claims Act gives federal courts jurisdiction to hear claims of aliens for violations of international law. These cases are important evidence of the trend toward corporate accountability.
Establishing legal frameworks for corporate accountability in the Nigerian jurisprudence can be dealt with in two folds. One, Nigeria courts should look to foreign decisions and international law about corporate human rights issues. Secondly, it should undertake a review of the laws affecting the relationship of the host communities.
A legal regime requiring the regulation of corporations, rather than states or individuals, is necessary to address the human rights abuses. The final step should involve the examination of international practice to see whether states, international organizations, and other key participants are, in a sense, ready for such an enterprise.
In reviewing recent trends, one discovers that international law has already effectively recognised duties of corporations. And since we have the same moral and legal framework as the United States, it is good law to adopt foreign laws and court decisions regarding human rights abuse by multi-national corporations.
It can be argued effectively that the ATCA and other human rights laws be adopted by the Nigerian courts pursuant to the common law doctrine of Stare Decisis. Stare Decisis is the principle that precedent decision both nationally and internationally be binding on lower courts, when a point of law has been settled by that decision. Since the issue of corporate culpability of human rights abuse in the Niger Delta region has been settled by the US courts, it is my opinion that the Nigerian courts should not shy away from adopting this principle in its jurisprudence.
The legislatures or courts should help in developing and reviewing existing laws concerning human rights abuses in the Niger Delta for example, a review of laws affecting the relationship between the oil companies and the communities in which they operate, such as the land Use Acts, The Petroleum and Distribution (Anti Sabotage) Act, and the Petroleum Decree and its subsidiary Legislations among others is a sine qua non towards addressing human rights abuses in the Niger Delta. Most importantly, the proposed Petroleum Bill before the National Assembly should address the issue of corporate responsibility and culpability in the Niger Delta region. These Measures if strictly adhered to, would address the problems and scope of corporate abuse of human rights in the Niger Delta.
Anyaruoh practices law in New York City and District of Columbia.
Felix Ebruba Ayanruoh
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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