Editorial
Towards Peaceful Poll In Edo
Last Saturday’s attack on the entourage of Governor Godwin Obaseki of Edo State by persons suspected to be members of the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) in the State, has again brought to the fore the possibility or otherwise of conducting a peaceful and violence-free governorship election in the State come September 19, 2020.
Members of Governor Obaseki’s entourage, including bigwigs of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) were reportedly attacked by some faceless hoodlums near the palace of no mean a personality than the revered Oba of Benin, HRM Omo N’ Oba N’ Edo Uku Akpolopolo, Oba Ewuare II in Benin City last Saturday.
It would be recalled that the Chairman of the PDP National Campaign Council for Edo State Governorship Election and Governor of Rivers State, Chief Nyesom Wike, had last Saturday led other party bigwigs to Benin City and successfully flagged off the electioneering campaign of the party in the state, thus, setting the stage for a fierce political contest in the state.
The PDP campaign train had, as tradition demands, paid a courtesy visit to the Oba of Benin before proceeding to the Samuel Ogbemudia Stadium for the flag-off of the party’s campaign rally that day.
But according to media reports, “whilst at the palace, some youths gathered at the palace entrance gate, chanting pro and anti-PDP songs. Those wearing PDP-sponsored caps and emblems were attacked”.
It was further gathered that gunshots were fired and cars smashed during the mayhem, while scores of persons sustained varying degrees of injuries.
It, however, did not take time before the PDP in the State rose stoutly to condemn the unfortunate incident and called on security agents to ensure that those connected with the attack are arrested and prosecuted.
The Chairman of the PDP Campaign Council in the State, Chief Dan Orbih, who addressed journalists in the wake of the attack in Benin City said, “the attack was a plot to eliminate Governor Obaseki, national officials of PDP and some PDP governors”.
Describing the attack as a political mutiny, Orbih indicated that it was aimed at driving fear into Governor Obaseki and the people, so that they would not come out on election day. He accused the opposition APC leadership of sponsoring and masterminding the mayhem.
However, it is heart-warming to note that the Oba of Benin himself has stressed the need for a peaceful governorship election in the State.
Oba Ewuare II had during the visit of Governor Obaseki and other PDP top guns to his palace assured that plans were underway to summon the Edo State Council of Traditional Rulers and Chiefs to pray for a peaceful election in the state.
The Oba said God and his ancestors had been answering his prayers whenever he prayed, adding that the forthcoming governorship election would not be an exception.
Indeed, The Tide joins well-meaning Nigerians to condemn the attack on Governor Obaseki and other PDP leaders, as it clearly shows what to expect during the governorship election in the state as political tension continues to build up in the state as the election fast approaches.
We are not unwindful of the political dark clouds hovering over Edo State, in recent times, with the countdown to the September 19, 2020 governorship election in the State, and to all intents and purposes, the signs are potently ominous and grave, even as political activities gather momentum with each passing day in the state.
Again, political observers in the country cannot forget in a hurry the intrigues and subterfuge that played out in the state within the APC in particular, where Governor Obaseki once held forte as the party’ leader before dumping it for the PDP. The dust raised by his exiting the party is yet to settle. The bad blood and ill-feelings are still very palpable across the various political divides in the state.
More worrisome is the fact that the political gladiators in the state are not leaving anything to chance to undo one another. They are still talking tough; threatening fire and brimstone. These ominous signs, to say the least, portend grave danger to the country’s nascent democracy, and clearly put Edo State on the political spotlight.
There is no gainsaying the fact that all over the world, people of goodwill cherish peace. Without peace, there can never be development. We, therefore, subscribe to peaceful and violence-free elections not only in Edo State but also in all other states in the country for that matter. We say so because it is only through peaceful, transparent and credible elections that the people can choose true leaders capable of meeting their yearnings and aspirations. Afterall, what is democracy if it is not anchored on the fundamental principles of development and good governance.
Thus, this time around, Edo people cannot afford to fritter away another opportunity of the state to be counted among the most formidable states in the comity of states.
To achieve this, the political gladiators in the state must first and foremost sink their political differences and subsume their selfish political interests into the collective interest of state. They must not set the state on fire.
In this way, the electorate would have a clearer picture of the candidates that would best meet their yearnings and aspirations, and better develop the state in the next four years.
We hold fast to the political dictum that the ambition of no politician is worth the blood of any Nigerian citizen. After all, politics is a game. It is not a do or die affair. There must be no bloodshed. Thus, with the countdown to the September 19, 2020 governorship election, all Edo people, irrespective of party affiliation should give peace a chance.
We are indeed happy that the Oba of Benin has already set the ball rolling by promising to mobilise traditional rulers to pray for a peaceful governorship election in the state. All Edo people must toe this path.
We also believe that security agencies in the state have a crucial role to play to ensure that the forthcoming election is not only peaceful but also credible, free and fair. This, they can do by ensuring that no candidate is unduly harassed, intimidated or even favoured.
This is why we lend our voice to the call by the PDP to security agents to ensure that those behind the attack on Governor Obaseki’s entourage are arrested and prosecuted.
Everything said and done, there is no alternative to peace.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.