Editorial
Heeding UN’s Warning On Famine
The United Nations recently warned that more than 10 countries around the world were at risk of wide spread famines “of biblical proportions” if Coronavirus continues the rampage unabated, alerting that the situation could push the number of people suffering from hunger from 135 million to well over 250 million in coming months. Raising the alarm, Head of World Food Programme (WFP), David Beasley, said that nations in the danger zone included those affected by conflicts, economic crisis and climate change, specifically listing Yemen, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Afghanistan, Venezuela, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, Nigeria and Haiti.
The world has to “act wisely and act fast. We could be facing multiple famines of biblical proportions within a short few months. The truth is: we do not have time on our side. I do believe that with our expertise and partnerships, we can bring together the teams and programmes necessary to make certain the Covid-19 pandemic does not become a human and food crisis catastrophe”, Beasley said.
Amplifying Beasley’s sentiments, WFP Senior Economist, Arif Husain, said “the economic impact of the pandemic is potentially catastrophic for millions who are already hanging by a thread. It is a hammer blow for millions more who can only eat if they earn a wage. Lockdowns and global economic recession have already decimated their nest eggs. It only takes one more shock – like Covid-19 – to push them over the edge. We must collectively act now to mitigate the impact of this global catastrophe”.
The Tide completely agrees with the WFP that Nigeria would likely face famine of unprecedented proportions in the months ahead, given the devastating consequences of the Coronavirus pandemic, particularly because of the restrictions associated with the social distancing guideline articulated by the World Health Organisation (WHO) to contain spread of the virus. In addition, the lockdowns, leading to the shutdown of businesses in Nigeria, have made the prediction increasingly plausible because the tough restriction of movement measures mean that those in the agricultural sector, including farmers and fishermen, players in the food supply chain, and other economic activities have had to overcome unimaginable hiccups in their efforts to ensure food sufficiency and security for millions of vulnerable people.
This is why we are not surprised with recent National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) Consumer Price Index (CPI) report which indicated that inflation rate increased by 12.26 per cent year-on-year in March, slightly higher than 12.20 per cent rate recorded in February. It is also not surprising that rise in inflation transcends all Classification of Individual Consumption by Purpose (COICOP) divisions, where the highest increase was recorded on fish, vegetables, fruits, oil and fats, bread and cereals, potatoes, yam as well as other tubers; critical food stables for all strata of the social class in Nigeria. Similar reports for the first half of 2020 in Nigeria and across the world show the same trend, even as global economies are gradually reopening.
For us, therefore, the signs are clear. The WFP does not need to sound the alarm bell for all tiers of government in Nigeria to begin to look outside the box, and not only act wisely but very fast to stave off the looming catastrophe. Indeed, the NBS report speaks for itself. The fact that the highest rise in inflation rate affects directly key indicators in the food chain should remind leaders across all governance structures that the time to prioritise investment in boosting agricultural development and production is now.
We are aware that the Federal Government has over the last couple of years emphasized its desire to reinvigorate the agriculture sector with a view to making it a strong revenue earner for the country. We are particularly not oblivious of the fact that the government has repeatedly canvassed its commitment to diversify the economy, with emphasis on key programmes to promote food sufficiency and security going forward, including the flagship Anchor Borrowers’ Programme and other intervention initiatives designed to enhance commercial agriculture production portfolio. The Tide is also aware of the various attempts by some state governments to invest in the promotion of agriculture in their states through direct funding of practical schemes to ensure that citizens can access and afford reasonable square meals on their tables every day to fight hunger and starvation, and enhance healthy living.
But the consequences of Covid-19 have triggered a new urgency in efforts to save a huge population of Nigerians from hunger and starvation as a result of the anticipated famine in the land. That urgency calls for proactive measures to boost security for farmers across the country, especially in those areas where insurgency, herdsmen menace and banditry have decimated communities. The goings on in the North-East, North-West, North-Central and other hotbeds of conflict in the country are enough indicators. Besides that, governments need to evolve innovative means of increasing funding for those in the agriculture value chain through subsidies that cut across many subsectors. The issue of flooding, which affects farmers most should be addressed by the appropriate government agencies, particularly now that rainy season has set in. Already, Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMET) and the National Hydrological Services Agency (NIHSA) flooding alert this year predicts severe devastations in vulnerable communities, and all tiers of government must work in synergy to ensure that farmers do not suffer avoidable losses as a result of failure of appropriate authorities to provide sustainable buffer and protection for them and their produce.
We are also concerned at the low level of participation of the population in agricultural activities to feed the nation and accelerate exports to boost foreign exchange earnings for the generality of Nigerians. Perhaps, this is the time to urge corporate bodies, individuals with huge capital outlay, especially politicians, and of course, civil servants, to look inwards, and seek strategic ways to drive integrated mechanized farming that brings new impetus to the way we do business in this country. This is possible in almost every state in Nigeria because there are vast fertile, arable lands across many states. A buy in would also increase economic viability of the federating states while its multiplier effects would consistently drive down the unemployment rate, lower the menace of criminality, violent crimes and other social vices, and restore peace, economic growth, political and democratic stability, while opening up potential opportunities for many to tap into confidently to fulfill their potentials. We believe that if governments heed these measures, Nigeria and Nigerians may escape the harsh consequences of the impending famine. The time to act, and wisely too, is now!
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.