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Imperative Of Community Policing In Nigeria (11)

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This is the concluding part of the article published penultimate Friday.

The inability of countries to modify community policing
remains one of the major obstacles militating against the successful practice of community policing. Moreso, there is usually the trap to adopt western idea of community policing. This tends to emphasise the top-down approach as opposed to communally oriented societies that favour bottom top approach as embedded within their cultural milieu in African countries.
Be that as it may, experts support the view that communities can no longer  stand in isolation from the Police, neither can they be seen as an addendum in policing, nor should the Police seek to retain their high levels of autonomy. Instead, constant and consistent communication should be shared between the two major stakeholders.
Extensive research has shown that involving local residents in the policing process beyond being the “eyes and ears” of the Police is beneficial as a tool of crime reduction and creating safer communities. Therefore, there is a strong theoretical case for community engagement  and involvement in Police.
However, in Nigeria, community involvement in the policing processes in local communities is limited to town hall meeting usually arising from some form of protest actions or due to some heinous crimes which were committed in the community, necessitating some dialogue often between the police/politician/residents or in terms of reporting incidents as victims/witnesses and providing covert information.
Involving communities in policing will be challenging for members of the Nigeria Police Force who have not been accustomed to working with communities. However, the effort will be worthwhile for at least five reasons.
One, services will be provided that meet communities wants and needs and will be appropriate.
Two, transparency can be promoted and communities provided with a better understanding of the complex decision-making in the policing process, thus leading to greater openness, accountability and confidence. Meanwhile, groups who were traditionally excluded or marginalized can be identified and appropriate plans made to work with these people. Again, communities can identify the wider determinants of crime and deviant behaviours and develop plans and frequently implement strategies to address inequalities.
Finally,  communities can be empowered and their capacity enhanced to promote self-control and self-confidence to address their needs through greater confidence in their ability to inform the direction of law enforcement services.
Based on prior research, there are certain principles that should underpin any community involvement in policing activity. These include, the necessity of understanding the community/communities in which policing is to be conducted; the need for partnership working and integration of participation at all stage of the process and the need for recognition of long term involvement; the need to understand that meaningful relationships take time to establish and that involvement becomes tokenistic if relationships are not maintained in the long-term and the need to build effective groups/structures that strengthen communities rather than divide them.
Others are the need for a range of wider (formal and informal) ways in which people can participate – creating some community ownership and control, the need for clarity and recognition of influence e.g. evidence that communities have been heard; the recognition that people participate from a variety of starting points and cultural experience and that this has implications for how people learn and contribute and the need to be flexible and responsive, leading to adaptations where necessary in project methods, time tables and outcomes.
Simply put, community involvement in policing refers to the amount of physical and psychological  energy that communities collectively devote to the policing experience. Thus, a highly involved community is one which, for example, devotes considerable energy to ensuring that the communities are safe, reports criminal activities to the relevant authorities (crime stoppers, Police etc.)  spends much time working with other residents to reduce crime, seeks to forge relationships with  the Police, attempts to create a safe and secure environment, using creative methods; participates actively in community organisations, and interacts frequently with the Police and other residents with the aim of devising plans and policies to alleviate crime and deviance.
Conversely, a typical uninvolved community, neglects the community, spends little time in  dealing with the community, abstains from communal activities, and has infrequent contact with the Police and other residents and displays a general apathetic behavior to the community and crime related issues.
Community policing has remained very potent in tackling crime management despite criticisms and challenges in its implementation. In the United States, it has been used extensively to create community safe zones to combat violent and drug related crimes with substantial success. Some Latin American countries such as Brazil and Mexico with serious drug related crimes have equally employed community policing and still continue to employ this strategy to fight crime. The South African Police Service has successfully integrated community policing in law enforcement and crime control. Counter insurgency efforts in Afghanistan equally employ some degree of community policing.
Indeed, many countries across the world have adopted community policing to manage crime with varying degrees of success and exponential prospects.
It must however, be noted that the problem of adapting community policing to suit specific environments has continued to remain a serious challenge in a number of countries, including Nigeria where existing status quo, institutional and bureaucratic complexities often frustrate effective community policing. More so, in Nigeria with interesting ethno-religious loyalties, community policing in urban areas of the country tends to face difficult challenge of a biased community. This explains some level of intelligence and security failures against the Niger Delta insurgents and lately against Boko Haram in Northern Nigeria.
The view that communities can no longer stand in isolation from the Police, neither can they be seen as an addendum in policing, nor should the Police seek to retain their high levels of autonomy is significantly valid. There is therefore the need for constant and consistent communication to be shared between the two major stakeholders.
Extensive research has shown that involving local residents in the policing process beyond being the “eyes and ears” of the Police is beneficial as a tool of crime reduction and creating safer communities. Therefore, there is a strong theoretical case for community engagement and involvement in policing. I want to support the notion that there must be a commitment to collaborative partnerships between law enforcement agencies and the individuals and organizations they serve. In the absence of the community  partnership, community policing will not keep pace with the needs of multi-ethnic diverse communities anywhere in the world and Nigeria in particular.
Nte is of the Novena University, Ogume, Delta State.

 

Ngboawaji Daniel Nte

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Opinion

Freedom To Move And Settle

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Far back as May 1964 there was a security report about some secret plans to use cattle to foster expanded settlements and population figures. It was unfortunate that those involved in putting together that report were not only reprimanded and cautioned, but reposted to other beats. Between that time and 1970, cattle were involved in census controversy, movements of troops and land acquisition. This issue is raised because of a habit of discarding a message because of the status or face of the messenger.
Controversies, shenanigans and attacks following a recent meeting of 17 Southern Governors and the positions they articulated on national issues, clearly portray the old suspicion of some hidden agenda. While Northern Governors, Elders and Youths had been meeting and taking decisions on national issues without much ado, a similar meeting by Southern Governors creates alarm. As to be expected, we can see the old game of creating a division in family meetings for the purpose of forestalling or weakening solidarity.
The integrity of a nation is such that no individual or a group of persons, no matter how highly placed, should do anything to undermine it, without being called to order. The Tide newspaper of Monday, January 21, 2019, carried a headline news, saying: “Obasanjo Slams Buhari Again, Says Another Abacha Era Is Here; INEC Lacks Integrity To Conduct 2019 Polls”. An elder statesman like Obasanjo would surely not speak carelessly without having some background facts.
Similarly, Obasanjo would not have raised a false alarm about Islamisation and Fulanisation without reliable security information. Femi Fani-Kayode was also quoted as alleging that “President Buhari’s Fulani cabal has conquered Nigeria”. He went on to say that “Northerners are heading most of the sensitive positions in the country”. The Catholic Bishop of Sokoto Diocese, Most Rev. Matthew Kuka, who is neither a politician nor a Southerner, also warned the Federal Government under Buhari against fanning embers of civil war. He said that the federal government was using different methods to achieve the goal of Islamic dominance in Nigeria, a secular state.
The Tide Editorial Comments of Friday, February 8, 2019 titled: “Nigeriens And Kano APC Rally” lamented that “two Nigerien governors were in Kano to rally support for President Buhari’s re-election”. Anyone would wonder if the integrity and sovereignty of the Nigerian nation are not being compromised, following the above observations. Foreigners voting in elections?
More importantly, the strategy of deploying cattle as the instrument of advancing some hidden agenda becomes quite glaring, with the attitude of the federal government towards numerous complaints against herders. From the issue of RUGA settlements, to the strategy of setting up a commission on herders, there are obvious indications of spirited efforts to promote some agenda, pointed out in a 1964 security report, for which some operatives were reprimanded.
In an editorial comment of Wednesday, July 10, 2019, The Tide newspaper wrote: “the Federal Government has no business intervening and lobbying for cattle rearers to spread their tentacles across all cities and communities in the country…” In another editorial comment titled No To Herders’ Commission”, The Tide (Wed; March 17, 2021) wrote “Mr Malami’s proposal for a commission for pastoralism must be rejected and consigned to the refuse heap of unhelpful and injurious initiatives as RUGA and cattle colonies because it is insincere, ill-motivated, wasteful and mere shadow-chasing venture in its intentment”.
Apart from these shenanigans, the Federal Government, under President Buhari, gave a gift of N150 billion to the association of cattle breeders known as Miyetti Allah, as a support for their business. Today, Southern Nigerians are becoming increasingly uncomfortable and also suspicious of the position of the APC-led Federal Government of Nigeria over the attitude towards the cattle issue. The level of destruction done to farm crops and the disruption of farming activities in communities in Southern Nigeria by cattle, are perhaps trivial issues that should not concern the federal government.
Some months ago, women and embittered people of Okutukutu-Epie a Bayelsa community, took their protest to the Government House in Yenagoa over their sad experiences with and threats from herders. Several other communities have pathetic tales of bitterness and woes arising from their encounters with herdsmen in their farmlands.
The question of herders occupying forests in rural communities with several herds of cattle and with no permission to settle in such forests, should be addressed promptly. Many highly-placed Northerners have condemned the decisions of Southern Governors on open grazing which they insist should continue. The issue of right of movement and settlement has been cited as a reason why herders and their cattle should have free access to anywhere, but such logic ignores the condition that right goes with responsibility. Farmers have been terrorised in their farms.
Occupying another person’s farmland and obstructing such person from his means of livelihood amounts to an abuse of right of movement or settlement, especially when such intruder acts with impunity. It is important to alert the Rivers State Government that a vast forest area stretching from ONELGA to Delta and Bayelsa States, is currently being occupied by herdsmen and their cattle. A private investigation revealed that many of the herders are non-Nigerians and, apart from having concealed weapons, they have no intention to move out. Let this hint not end like a 1964 report.
If the Fulani race in diaspora across the West African sub-region must be given a homeland to settle, like the Jews after the World Wars, then let this be an open rather than a clandestine affair. The current situation between Israel and Palestine should serve as a lesson. Sympathy cannot be won by blusters, neither should Southern Nigerians be seen as a conquered people. Southern Governors should see the “hand writing on the wall” now.

Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.

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Opinion

Why Alter Retirement Bars?

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At the time of harmonising the country’s previously fragmented public sector retirement policy to the mandatory 60 years of age or 35 years of active and unbroken service (whichever comes first), not a few Nigerians saw the new bars as ideal and quite cerebral.
But not long after its implementation, some professional associations and labour unions began agitations for an exception from those figures based on what they considered as their members’ specialised training and specific job peculiarities. Some even threatened an industrial showdown as a way of arm-twisting the government to accede to their demand.
Among the earliest to be granted such sector-specific exception are high court judges and senior government lawyers whose retirement was reviewed upward to 65 years of age or 40 years of service even as a new bill is currently being proposed to further raise the age bar for their Lordships to 70.
Closely following on the heels of the nation’s senior judges are university and polytechnic lecturers for whom the compulsory retirement age and service years limits were also lifted to 65 and 40 years, respectively. Professors, it was learnt, have the option to pull out at 70, after a written notification to that effect.
Other civil servants who recently joined this elite group are primary and secondary school teachers whose new package even went beyond the 60/35 ceiling to include enhanced remuneration. The details are now being worked out by the relevant federal agencies. And guess what; just last month, the government also approved a similar package for health workers with the retirement age for medical consultants now pushed to 70.
In fact, there is hardly any labour group that is not requesting for its workers to be considered for such extensions. Of particular interest here is the style employed by the Clerk and senior staff of the National Assembly (NASS).
During the two-day zonal Public Hearing on the Proposed Alteration to the Provisions of the 1999 Constitution held in Enugu, it was reported that a legal firm, Alpha and Rohi, through its Managing Partner, Mr. Adeola Adedipe, delivered a position paper calling for a similar extension of retirement age and service years for NASS senior staff.
As part of his submission, Adedipe was said to have noted that parliamentary support service and legislative management is a specialised field that is developed over time. Hear him: “Undoubtedly, training and retraining of staff members over time, is an investment, the benefit of which must be maximised.
“As such, staff members that have gradually acquired the requisite skills and competence should be nurtured and retained in order to optimise the investment by government in them (as long as they are capable and productive).
“This, of course, is contrary to the current culture of discarding our experts at the very age when their skills and often laboriously acquired competence ought to be recognised as asset, exploited and deployed for the benefit of the country.”
According to the report, the firm’s position was also pushed at the Akure, Bauchi, Kaduna, Minna and Port Harcourt centres of the public hearing. The interesting thing about this presentation is not only that it mirrored the kind of arguments that were made by each of the above-named beneficiary groups, but that it had been replicated at the other zonal centres to acquire the semblance of a nationwide clamour.
Come to think of it, are those attempting to push up their retirement age as to stay longer in service not aware of the large army of unemployed Nigerian graduates out there in society? Notwithstanding the level of professional competence and experience acquired, I am not convinced that any office will shutdown at the retirement or sudden demise of its occupant.
If any worker is such a wizard on the job that he becomes so indispensable, then let him first retire and be re-engaged as a consultant rather than push for an extension of the retirement age. Again, it is annoying to observe that the same workers who claim specialised trainings and job peculiarities are already beneficiaries of well enhanced special salaries and perquisites to reflect such. So, why still ask for retirement age and service years’ raise?
Honestly, the kinds of arguments on which retirement extensions have been based in Nigeria can only be tenable in countries that lack indigenous manpower like Canada and the oil-rich Persian Gulf states. And certainly not a nation like Nigeria that is reeking of unemployed school leavers.
It may be argued that government is not the only source of employment for our numerous job seekers; but it is also correct to say that private firms are already emasculated by years of economic meltdown and are, therefore, continuously shedding workers as a survival strategy. Micro and small-scale initiatives are not also appetising alternatives due to lack of venture capital, multiple taxation, unreliable electricity, high costs of fuel and other raw inputs. This is in addition to unforeseen hiccups like lockdowns, curfews and social media restriction necessitated by the COVID-19 pandemic, worsening insecurity and the recent ban on Twitter.
Given that most of the states have not employed new workers for so long, it will be safe to say that the present civil service across the country is dominated by highly experienced but tired hands who are also reluctant to quit the stage for fear of the usual agonies of retirement.
The way things are going, it is possible that a 75-year old civil servant with a broken service record and whose age may have been understated at below 70 in the official biometric database will still be working while his 30-year old graduate grandchild roams the streets in search of employment. Haba! But wouldn’t that be sheer wickedness?
Government should please engage young hands and quit granting requests for extension of retirement bars.

By: Ibelema Jumbo

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Opinion

The Enemy Within

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Political scientists would talk about an Iron Law of Oligarchy whose custodians and protectors are the barons of the wit cult. The wit cult members are patrons of the cult of weeds, whose protectors are usually drawn from the security circles. A former president of this country once said that “some desperate politicians and people in power are known to protect notorious outlaws often linked to violent crimes”. Curious readers can check The Tide newspaper of 26/7/2019, Page 2. The credo of the Law of Oligarchy is that “whoever has the most power makes the rule and takes the gold”. Gangsterist Law?
What is oligarchy? It is defined as government or control by a small group of people, using democracy as a camouflage. Do we have a cabal in Nigeria? Yes! Who controls that cabal? A Presidency! Who is Presidency? A camouflage! Who are the small groups of people controlling power in Nigeria? Ask General Jibril Musa Sarki (Born to Rule) and Badu Salisu Ahmadu who told Nigerians that there is a standing Fulani Strike Force ready to claim the lands which they inherited from the British.
What does it take to make the rule and take the gold? Power, in its raw form! How do you get power? Ruthless exploitation of weaknesses and loop-holes! Are there weaknesses and loop-holes in the Nigerian environment? Yes! They include ignorance, timidity, cowardice, myopia and the desire to attend to stomach infrastructure, via hustling and scrambling for the crumbs from the table of the champions. Hungry dogs! Kept poor!
Who are the champions of the Nigerian political economy? Someone provided an answer, saying: “the wealth buried in the bowels of Oloibiri and in other oil-bearing communities in the Niger Delta region is being cornered by a few Nigerians and foreigners”. The culture of parasitism had been a long issue in human history, but its modernised version takes the form of national and international politics. At the international level, the culture of parasitism operates through big corporations and conglomerates, via monopolies.
Any intelligent Nigerian would figure out easily that there are spirited efforts from various nebulous quarters to divert attention from what is actually going on in the country. For example, international borders in Southern Nigeria are not only blocked but manned with strictness, while similar borders in the Northern parts are left open. The heightened state of insecurity in Southern Nigeria in recent times cannot be for nothing, but indicative of an effort to divert attention from some ulterior motives. What are the motives?
Rivers State is of a particular importance in the current political drama, because of its status as a major pillar in Nigeria’s political economy. What unsuspecting Nigerian masses must know is that a number of the people are paid agents in the service of some vested interests. Many of such paid agents are not usually aware of whose interests or what purposes that they serve with zeal and commitment. Sponsors of acts of brigandage and banditry are members of an organized cabal, in whose clutches Nigerians are now helpless.
Apart from political parties and their propaganda machines, power holders and power mongers do use security agencies as tools and hirelings in their services. Apart from fueling crisis and animosities where there are stakes for such purposes, security agencies, via security votes, are handy tools in the service of power mongers. We find such tools and errand boys as regular participants in phone-in radio programmes, whose utterances and opinions are usually coloured by ideological leanings and sympathies.
It is particularly pathetic that indigenes of Southern Nigeria can become so myopic and blind that they become willing stooges in the current political shenanigans. “Fall guys” in this on-going power game are not usually insignificant persons but highly-placed members of the political elites. A common strategy of roping in such Southern elite is to lure them into some financial sleaze and scandal, which in the end would allow them the option of joining the party in power. We have seen many of such strategies in the past few years, resulting in political decampment and joining the party in power.
The time has come to alert Southern Nigerians that many of them are being used and co-opted into serving some sectional interests and hidden agenda, to the detriment of such stooges and hirelings. This has been going on for quite a long time, aimed not only at advancing some agenda, but also winning sympathies, via patronage and sinecure. A hate speech law was also crafted for the purpose of intimidating those who discern the game plan.
During the General Sani Abacha regime discerning Nigerians saw how operatives of the security and intelligence agencies served the sinister agenda of a section of the country. Acts of brigandage and criminality purportedly committed by armed or unknown persons were placed at the door-steps of NADECO or groups hostile to military rule. Now even in a democratic regime “armed and unknown gunmen” are still engaged in their trade. Soon after military rule came the clamour for Sharia Law, followed by the menace of Boko Haram.
Even though a large number of Nigerians are ignorant and capable of being led by the nose like assess, there are a few discerning ones who can perceive the shape of things to come. Behind all the shenanigans lies the truth that a few Nigerians, with the collaboration of some foreigners, cornered the wealth of the nation, represented by mineral oil and gas. Despite the use of intimidation, divide-and-rule strategies and other cover-ups, the game is up and the disenfranchised groups are wiser now. Agitations will rise further.
Let it be added, as an aside, that Scotland-Yard trained private eyes rarely write or speak carelessly. In this case, those who take interest in this article should heed the message, rather than ask that supportive evidence be brought, in chapters and verses, for the message to be considered valid. An enemy within usually operates like a chameleon, whose antics include vengeful attacks when short of further camouflage. The game is up! We have taken too much for the owner to know!
Dr Amirize is a retired lecturer from the Rivers State University, Port Harcourt.

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