Editorial
That Judiciary’s Self Probe
Since the return to participatory democracy in 1999, Nigerians have had greater cause to demand, of men and women of the Judiciary who sit in judgement over others high level of integrity, impartiality and incorruptibility. This is partly because, of the three arms of government, none is depended upon more to uphold the rule of law and ensure survival of democracy as the judicial arm.
Sadly, in spite of such high expectations, for an upright and dependable judiciary, even partial perfection still remains elusive, thus, forcing more agitations, even from among legal practitioners, for an urgent salvage mission to check members of the Bench and Bar who tend to bend to the whims of influential litigants in order to rubbish the sanctity of the courts. Even so, very little had been done by the Judiciary to redeem itself from such negative judgement by ordinary Nigerians, some members of the Bench and even lawyers.
Not too long ago, Lagos Lawyer and human rights activist, Femi Falana raised the same alarm that some members of the Bar and Bench were doing total disservice to the noble legal profession and expressed worry that unless urgent steps were taken to purge itself of such bad eggs, the Judiciary would totally lose public confidence.
That is why the recent probe ordered by the National Judicial Council (NJC) into activities of some of its own, among them, 23 judges across the country could not have come at a better time than now. Among those under investigation include four Chief Judges, a few Justices of the Court of Appeal as well as federal and state High Court judges.
Reasons for the probe, we understand, border on allegations of judgment fixing, unethical romance with litigants, outright sale of judgments, graft, bribery and engaging in delivery of questionable judgments.
We understand also that some of the affected judges are accused of entertaining matters outside their jurisdictions for pecuniary favours, regularly contradicting their own rulings or judgments on similar cases, dismissing cases without taking pleas, from accused persons, sale of electoral petitions to the highest bidders and at other times dismissing cases even when applications had obvious and overruling merit for adjudication. Another is the familiar unholy romance with the political class in order to influence their rise in the judiciary.
These are indeed serious issues, which if not tackled decisively could have very negative impact on the much expected impartiality of the judiciary and whittle down its much desired moral strength to defend the rule of law. If, for instance, court judgments are allowed to be based on the ability of litigants to pay their way through possible punishment, then, justice would have become a commercial commodity on sale to the highest bidder. Such scenario can only encourage lawlessness and anarchy.
Curiously, it was to avoid such erosion of justice in the land, that the National Judicial Council (NJC) under the leadership of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Aloma Mariam Muhktar, had, on February 20, this year, recommended the compulsory retirement of Justice C. E Archibong of the Federal High Court, Lagos and Justice T. O. Naron of the High Court of Justice, Plateau State. That measure followed similar disturbing issues bordering on dismissing grievous charges against an accused without taking his plea and for constantly and regularly making voice calls and MMS and carrying out SMS Exchanges with a lead counsel for one of the parties to the Osun State Gubernatorial Election Tribunal.
Apart from running contrary to the code of conduct for judicial officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as contained in section 292 (1) b of the 1999 constitutions, the reported acts of misdemeanour are capable of berating the judiciary, acclaimed to be the last hope of the ordinary citizen.
This is why The Tide considers the probe most timely and commends both the CJN and NJC for the discretion and courage of ordering such self-probe, which we believe would help check the imminent slide of the judiciary into precipice. In this regard, however, we expect the judiciary’s high command to be transparent, thorough and open with a view to ensuring that its eventual outcome guarantees fairness, equity and justice. And all those found culpable be punished according to law to serve as a deterrent to others bent on dragging into the mind, the sanctity of the courts.
More than that, we expect that the eventual report does not end up as many others in other arms of government which years after are yet to see the light of day. This is because, the survival of true democracy depends, to a very large extent, on a reputable and dependable judiciary.
Since it is said that in carrying out its sacred duty of adjucating over life and death, the judiciary must at all times ensure that justice is not only done, but be seen to have been done, we expect the Judiciary’s high command to also look into recent court judgements which many consider to be miscarriage of justice and outright desecration of the Temple of Justice.
While not taking a position on any specific instance, the recent Abuja court ruling which displaced the status quo in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Rivers State, we think deserves a proper re-appraisal particularly, as it affects, facts of the case, the judgement itself and legal implications of the matter, with a view to seeing, if there indeed was a miscarriage of justice.
It is only when public protests against the judiciary, on account of court rulings, that bemuse the ordinary litigant and offend both common sense and natural law, that Nigerians can satisfactorily say, the Judiciary is getting it right. And it should.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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