Opinion
Scrap Local Governments Or …
Those who came up with the idea of three tiers of government must have thought of the inconveniences and challenges inherent in placing all the burden of a nation on just one arm of government at the centre. Just as the separation of power among the three arms of government – the executive, legislature and judiciary, serves as a check on the abuse of power, the idea of three tiers of government was conceived to pave way for easy and convenient administration.
In particular, the creation of local government is, by all intent and purposes, to bring government and development nearer to the people at the grassroots. The 1999 Constitution recognises this noble objective and thus confers the status of a third tier of government on the local government. Regrettably however, what the 1999 constitution gave with the right hand, it took it back with the left hand.
It is tempting to assume that the Nigerian constitution deliberately places the local government councils in Nigeria at the mercy of the states, especially given the ridiculous garb the third tier of government has assumed in recent time. It is hardly convenient to regard local government council as a tier of government again. It is, at best, an appendage or a department of the state.
The idea of running local governments in Nigeria with political appointees of the state governors in the name of caretaker committees is a typical example.
It is true that the constitution would never have contemplated the idea of a caretaker committee because the position of local government as the third tier of government is clearly stated. But the ambiguities and inconsistencies in the constitution again provide a leeway for manipulations by the state governments.
Again, the running of joint account between the state and local governments is another issue that calls to question the autonomy of local government. This also is made possible by the inconsistencies of the constitution. The place given to local government in the constitution is not only weak, but also ambiguous.
For instance, section 162, sub-section 6 of the 1999 constitution says, “the amount standing to the credit of local government councils from the federation account shall also be allocated to the state for the benefit of their local councils on such terms and such manner as may be prescribed by the National Assembly”.
While this provision could be said to be cut and run, section 162, sub-section 8 totally strips local government of its economic autonomy required to function effectively as a tier of government. It says, “The amount standing to the credit of the local councils shall be distributed among the local government councils of that state on such terms and such manner as may be prescribed by the House of Assembly of the state”.
This particular section subjects the local government councils to a law they do not have control over, thereby placing them at the mercy of the state. By this section, the constitution has vested or conferred on the state the power to dictate what goes to the local government councils from the federation account. What then makes the local council a tier of government when the state governors are the custodians of the cheque books to the joint account?
The desire of the state governors to continue to maintain a joint account with the local government councils, has particularly lent credence to the notion that local government is a conduit pipe through which money is routed to the state from the federation account.
There is no doubt that local governments in Nigeria have not lived up to their responsibilities as the third tier of government. But we must acknowledge too that the enormity of demands and responsibilities imposed on the local governments by the constitution is far more than the internal revenue they generate from the registration of wheel barrows, goats, market stalls etc. Placing the local governments at the mercy of the state as regards what accrue to them from the federation account therefore amounts to giving them responsibilities without appropriate authorisation to their finances. How do we expect them to perform?
If truly local government is one of the federating units and the third tier of government, it should be made autonomous both politically and economically, in such a way that neither its political structure nor economic fortune would be determined or subjected to manipulation by the states. The same reason that makes the states to fight tooth and nail for economic autonomy from the federal government makes it equally expedient for local government to be totally independent of the state. The state governments therefore have no moral right to insist on maintaining joint account with their respective local government councils.
Meanwhile, the constitution should reserve a safe place or provide a soft landing for local government to have its own executive, legislative and judicial arms of government as obtained at the state and federal levels.
Again, our electoral law should be reviewed in such a way that would make it difficult, if not impossible, for the state governors to have control over who takes charge of the affairs of the local government. The state electoral commission should be under the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Though not totally impossible, it will be difficult for state governors to manipulate elections into local governments if the chairmen and members of the state electoral commission were appointed by the INEC chairman.
The current process of electing local government chairmen and councillors is not different from caretaker committee arrangement. This is because the electoral process that brings in the local government leadership is not independent. The state governors appoint the state electoral umpires. This explains why the ruling parties in all the states sweep all the polls in various local governments in the country. This process has far-reaching effects. It does not provide room for grassroot democracy. It rather places the people at the helms of local governments affairs at a disadvantaged position that makes them accountable only to their godfathers who put them there. They therefore have no moral justifications to complain, let alone make noise when allocations due them are being withheld. He who pays the piper dictates the tune.
The option A4 we experimented sometimes ago, has clearly shown that if grassroot democracy is given a chance, the people at the local government level shall determine who becomes what in both the state and federal levels. This will, in turn, strengthen our democracy.
As a nation, we have the option of either to scrap the local government system from our constitution, so that we know we have two tiers of government, or to strengthen our local government system with all its status and autonomy guaranteed by the constitution.
Boye Salau
Opinion
Restoring Order, Delivering Good Governance
The political atmosphere in Rivers State has been anything but calm in 2025. Yet, a rare moment of unity was witnessed on Saturday, June 28, when Governor Siminalayi Fubara and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Chief Nyesom Wike, appeared side by side at the funeral of Elder Temple Omezurike Onuoha, Wike’s late uncle. What could have passed for a routine condolence visit evolved into a significant political statement—a symbolic show of reconciliation in a state bruised by deep political strife.
The funeral, attended by dignitaries from across the nation, was more than a moment of shared grief. It became the public reflection of a private peace accord reached earlier at the Presidential Villa in Abuja. There, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu brought together Governor Fubara, Minister Wike, the suspended Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, and other lawmakers to chart a new path forward.
For Rivers people, that truce is a beacon of hope. But they are not content with photo opportunities and promises. What they demand now is the immediate lifting of the state of emergency declared in March 2025, and the unconditional reinstatement of Governor Fubara, Deputy Governor Dr. Ngozi Odu, and all suspended lawmakers. They insist on the restoration of their democratic mandate.
President Tinubu’s decision to suspend the entire structure of Rivers State’s elected leadership and appoint a sole administrator was a drastic response to a deepening political crisis. While it may have prevented a complete breakdown in governance, it also robbed the people of their voice. That silence must now end.
The administrator, retired naval chief Ibok-Ette Ibas, has managed a caretaker role. But Rivers State cannot thrive under unelected stewardship. Democracy must return—not partially, not symbolically, but fully. President Tinubu has to ensure that the people’s will, expressed through the ballot, is restored in word and deed.
Governor Fubara, who will complete his six-month suspension by September, was elected to serve the people of Rivers, not to be sidelined by political intrigues. His return should not be ceremonial. It should come with the full powers and authority vested in him by the constitution and the mandate of Rivers citizens.
The people’s frustration is understandable. At the heart of the political crisis was a power tussle between loyalists of Fubara and those of Wike. Institutions, particularly the State House of Assembly, became battlegrounds. Attempts were made to impeach Fubara. The situation deteriorated into a full-blown crisis, and governance was nearly brought to its knees.
But the tide must now turn. With the Senate’s approval of a record ?1.485 trillion budget for Rivers State for 2025, a new opportunity has emerged. This budget is not just a fiscal document—it is a blueprint for transformation, allocating ?1.077 trillion for capital projects alone. Yet, without the governor’s reinstatement, its execution remains in doubt.
It is Governor Fubara, and only him, who possesses the people’s mandate to execute this ambitious budget. It is time for him to return to duty with vigor, responsibility, and a renewed sense of urgency. The people expect delivery—on roads, hospitals, schools, and job creation.
Rivers civil servants, recovering from neglect and under appreciation, should also continue to be a top priority. Fubara should continue to ensure timely payment of salaries, address pension issues, and create a more effective, motivated public workforce. This is how governance becomes real in people’s lives.
The “Rivers First” mantra with which Fubara campaigned is now being tested. That slogan should become policy. It must inform every appointment, every contract, every budget decision, and every reform. It must reflect the needs and aspirations of the ordinary Rivers person—not political patrons or vested interests.
Beyond infrastructure and administration, political healing is essential. Governor Fubara and Minister Wike must go beyond temporary peace. They should actively unite their camps and followers to form one strong political family. The future of Rivers cannot be built on division.
Political appointments, both at the Federal and State levels, must reflect a spirit of fairness, tolerance, and inclusivity. The days of political vendettas and exclusive lists must end. Every ethnic group, every gender, and every generation must feel included in the new Rivers project.
Rivers is too diverse to be governed by one faction. Lasting peace can only be built on concessions, maturity, and equity. The people are watching to see if the peace deal will lead to deeper understanding or simply paper over cracks in an already fragile political arrangement.
Wike, now a national figure as Minister of the FCT, has a responsibility to rise above the local fray and support the development of Rivers State. His influence should bring federal attention and investment to the state, not political interference or division.
Likewise, Fubara should lead with restraint, humility, and a focus on service delivery. His return should not be marked by revenge or political purges but by inclusive leadership that welcomes even former adversaries into the process of rebuilding the state.
“The people are no longer interested in power struggles. They want light in their streets, drugs in their hospitals, teachers in their classrooms, and jobs for their children. The politics of ego and entitlement have to give way to governance with purpose.
The appearance of both leaders at the funeral was a glimpse of what unity could look like. That moment should now evolve into a movement-one that prioritizes Rivers State over every personal ambition. Let it be the beginning of true reconciliation and progress.
As September draws near, the Federal government should act decisively to end the state of emergency and reinstate all suspended officials. Rivers State must return to constitutional order and normal democratic processes. This is the minimum requirement of good governance.
The crisis in Rivers has dragged on for too long. The truce is a step forward, but much more is needed. Reinstating Governor Fubara, implementing the ?1.485 trillion budget, and uniting political factions are now the urgent tasks ahead. Rivers people have suffered enough. It is time to restore leadership, rebuild trust, and finally put Rivers first.
By: Amieyeofori Ibim
Amieyeofori Ibim is former Editor of The Tide Newspapers, political analyst and public affairs commentator
Opinion
Checking Herdsmen Rampage
Do the Fulani herdsmen have an expansionists agenda, like their progenitor, Uthman Dan Fodio? Why are they everywhere even the remotest part of other areas in Nigeria harassing, maiming, raping and killing the owners of the land?”
In a swift reaction, The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) decried and strongly condemned the invasion by suspected Fulani herdsmen.
In his denunciation, MOSOP President Fegalo Nsuke described the incident as very unfortunate and deeply troubling, warning against a recurrence of the violence experienced in Benue State. “The killing of yesterday is bad and very unfortunate. We are getting preliminary information about how the herders gained access to the farmland, and it appears some hoodlums may be collecting money and granting access illegally.”
He called on the Hausa community in Rivers State to intervene swiftly to prevent further attacks.
“We want the Hausa community in Rivers State to take urgent action to ensure these issues are resolved”.
But will such appeal and requests end the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen? It is not saying something new that the escalating threat and breach of peace across the country by the Fulani herdsmen or those suspected to be Fulani herdsmen, leaves much to be desired in a country that is bedevilled by multi-dimensional challenges and hydra-headed problems.
Some upland Local Government Areas of Rivers State, such as Etche, Omuma, Emohua, Ikwerre, Oyigbo, Abua, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, have severally recounted their ordeals, as herdsmen invaded farmlands, destroyed crops, raped female farmers and killed protestant residents.
Again the wanton destruction of lives and properties which no doubt has overwhelmed the Nigerian Police, makes the clamour for State Police, indispensable. The National Assembly should consider the amendment of the Constitution to allow States to have their Statutory policing agencies.
Opinion
Is Nigeria Democratic Nation?
As insurgency has risen to an all time high in the country were killings has now grown to be a normal daily activity in some part of the nation it may not be safe to say that Nigeria still practices democracy.
Several massacres coming from the Boko Haram and the herdsmen amongst all other insurgencies which have led to the destruction of homes and killing, burning of communities especially in the northern part of the country. All these put together are result of the ethnic battles that are fought between the tribes of Nigeria and this can be witnessed in Benue State where herders and farmers have been in constant clashes for ages. They have experienced nothing but casualties and unrest.
In the month of June 13-14, the Yelwata attack at the Guma Local Government Area by suspected gunmen or herdsmen who stormed the houses of innocent IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) claiming the lives of families, both adults and children estimated to be 200 victims. They were all burnt alive by these unknown gunmen.
This has been recorded as one of the deadliest insurgencies that had happened in recent years. Some security personnel that were trying to fight the unknown gunmen also lost their lives.
Prior to the Yelewata attack, two days before the happening, similar conflict took place in Makurdi on June 11, 2025. 25 people were killed in the State. Even in Plateau State and the Southern Kaduna an attack also took place in the month of June.
All other states that make up the Middle Belt have been experiencing the farmers/herders clash for years now and it has persisted up till recent times, claiming lives of families and children, homes and lands, escalating in 2025 with coordinated assaults.
Various authorities and other villagers who fled for safety also blamed the herdsmen in the State for the attack that happened in Yelwata community.
Ehebha God’stime is an Intern with The Tide.
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