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Nigeria: What Colour Of Opposition?
In 1959, before Nigeria’s Independence from Britain, three political parties dominated the political terrain, preparatory to the proper handover date.
They were: the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) under the leadership of late Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) led by late Ahmadu Bello and the Action Group controlled by late Chief Obafemi Awolowo.
As their leadership structures clearly indicated these parties were ethnically inclined to the East, North and West, respectively, just as 17 other parties that emerged within the first republic (1960 – 1966). They include: Borno Youth Movement (BYM), Igale Union (IU), Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), Zamfara Commoners Party (ZCP) and Lagos State United Front (LSUF), among others.
As ethnic/regional parties they could not muster the necessary majority support base to clinch an outright victory during the election except for a temporary fusion between the NPC and the NCNC that lasted for a short while.
Nevertheless, the dominance by both aforementioned parties naturally pitched others against them with Awolowo as leader of the opposition even as their angst and nadir were ethnically oriented.
The story was not different during the second republic (1979 – 1983) when seven political parties stood out to contest the various political positions in the country.
It was a relatively open and democratic environment of the second republic that witnessed the emergence of new political parties such as the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN), Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP) and Peoples Redemption Party (PRP). They were merely incarnates of the NPC, AG, NCNC and NEPU.
While the NPN controlled the North, the UPN dominated in the West, including old Bendel and Kwara States, and the NPP held sway in the East. Without doubt, it was an indication that despite the emergence of new political parties, they were still characterised by the interplay of primordial political loyalties and forces. Again, it was natural that while the NPN controlled the federal government other political parties, devolved into opposition though from very weak frontiers. So weak were they that the ruling party even, if myopic, dictated what true governance was. Invariably, that became a veritable platform for the party to continue in power for as long as it could, despite agitations of corruption permeating the fabrics of the society. Yet, besides dominating in their respective native regions the much the opposition political parties could do was to look on until the 1983 coup d’etat that shoved Alhaji Shehu Shagari aside for General Muhammadu Buhari to take over the mantle of leadership. It was closely followed by another coup in August 1985 that brought General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida to power.
With Babangida’s “a little to the left and a little to the right” Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC), his long tenure could not organise a successful election even as he made the entire world believe that his imposed parties were intended to discard with the primordial ethnic sentiments associated with our political parties and the opposition. But despite these lapses Nigerians tolerated IBB Jaunta’s antithesis to natural evolution of political parties to look forward to a vibrant election which nonetheless became a fluke and turned out to be known in Nigeria’s political history as ‘abortive third republic’. Even so, opposition inevitably mounted against the novel tactics that would line everybody behind two self-imposed parties. Unfortunately they could not voice out their anger or muster enough courage to confront the military. However, the full strength of the opposition manifested after the long military rigmarole between IBB who was prevailed upon to step aside and General Sani Abachi who displaced the Interim National Government (ING) of Chief Ernest Shonekan. Of the seven political parties that contended or seemed to oppose the Abacha administration’s make-belief new political dispensation, the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) was a gadfly and notable opposition that rattled the Abacha Junta to a standstill. Others were: Committee for National Consensus (CNC) Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Justice Party (JP), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM) and United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP).
Unfortunately, what became of these parties under Sani Abacha is now the dark history of Nigeria’s political past.
On May 29, 1999 General Abdulsalami Abubakar midwifed the election that heralded the fourth republic which made the former military leader Olusegun Obasanjo the new president. Suffice it to say that out of the 29 registered political parties, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) stood and still stands out, dominates the political clime and rules the country till date with little or no impressive opposition save at the regional levels where the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) enjoy ethnic support base.
That is to say the history of Nigeria’s Political dispensation is replete with weak opposition that over the years could not engender any positive change. Coupled with rampant corruption, nepotism, insincerity, and ethnic bias, the political class had been overwhelmed by elements bereft of viable political ideology to anchor the nations’ political future and offer a desired constructive opposition.
In fact many believe that Nigeria at best can boast of compromised opposition parties who for material benefit have long abandoned their traditional role as peoples watchdog, ensuring checks and balances on the ruling government and resorted to scouting for pecks of office.
That also explains why in Nigeria individuals that constitute the opposition view it as an opportunity to warm themselves into the heart of the ruling party for recognition. Indeed Nigeria’s opposition parties seem to have no plans, no programmes, no value added and lack credibility to challenge unpopular government policies.
Presently they constitute over 40 mushroom political contraptions with the sole aim of receiving grants from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Like seasonal preys, they hibernate after major elections only to reappear and heat the polity during elections.
It goes without saying, therefore, that bankruptcy in ideology and vision reduced party politics in Nigeria to bread and butter game. Monetisation of the political process has become the bedrock of loyalty and support, a situation that erodes the objective of the democratic process anchored on supremacy of popular will.
Even when members of the political class in realiSation of their lame-duck approach to opposition initiated the Conference of Nigerian Political Parties (CNPP), Nigerians welcomed the move as the most robust in the nation’s history of political opposition devoid of ethnic, elitist and parochial sentiments. But that was not to be. Allegations mounted that some CNPP leaders compromised their positions for material benefits in form of physical cash or juicy appointments from the ruling parties in their states.
Unlike the first and second republics when ethnicity dictated the actions of the AG and UPN opposition, the present democracy, though better in ethnic orientation has suffered severe degradation owing to inability of the political clas to adhere to the rules of the game. Apart from the ACN with some remarkable efforts, genuine opposition seems to be missing in action in Nigeria.
Apparently, the tragedy of the opposition in Nigeria presently is that there is no difference in party ideology and structure between the PDP and the so-called opposition. By all intent and purposes they are the same and therefore considered as really not having much to offer.
The opposition parties should cease to bemoan their fate and blaming their dismal electoral outing and concentrate on being resourceful and proactive in strategic politicking.
It is instructive to note that inordinate ambition remains the greatest threat to the success of the opposition parties in Nigeria, for instance, the alliance between the AG and UPGA in the first republic was designed to realise the presidential ambition of late Chief Awolowo who was leader of the opposition under the parliamentary system of the first republic. The same was true of the PPA configured to actualise Chief Awolowo’s unrealised presidential ambition in the second republic. And, as if following the trend the political summit spearheaded by the ANPP in 2007 was to realise the presidential ambition of Muhammadu Buhari, a major opposition leader, but it clashed with the presidential ambition of Vice President Atiku Abubakar who left PDP to contest under the newly formed Action Congress. Of course, their clash of interest doomed their ambition and neutralised the strength of the opposition.
Also imperative is the fact that Nigerian political class should endeavour to grow beyond shoddy orientation and pedestral values, and acknowledge that political parties bear the peoples identity whether in opposition or not. Until they come to that realisation our political system would always churn out leadership based on faulty premises and opposition dictated by materialism rather than personal conviction.
Valentine Ugboma
The Mayor of Housing, My-ACE China, has alerted the Governor of Rivers, Akwa Ibom, and Abia states to what he calls an emerging ‘Economic Triangle’ within their states.
Mr China, a real estate success strategist who has won numerous local and international awards, has thus drawn the attention of the governors of the concerned states to the emerging development and has urged them to intentionally accelerate the emergence of the economic triangle.
Speaking to newsmen in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State capital at the conclusion of his business trip to the state, Mr China, who is the managing director of the Housing and Construction Mayor Limited, said the envisaged economic corridor would compete favourably with the Lagos economic hub or even better.
He said: “Talking about ‘Economic Triangle’, the only place that can wrest economic power from Lagos is Akwa Ibom, Abia, and Rivers states axis or corridor. This corridor contains more than Lagos has, if they can be interconnected with smooth roads, ports, and if their blue potentials are unlocked. They will not only wrest power from Lagos but would be more lucrative.”
The investor who is behind the emerging Alesa Highlands Green Smart City in Eleme, near Port Harcourt, said the new ‘Economic Triangle’ has a bigger potential due to massive land assets with the corridor plus blue economy and the existing hydrocarbon industry.
Explaining, Mayor of Housing said Aba (Abia State) provides the biggest fabrication capacity in West Africa to supply goods to the Gulf of Guinea; Port Harcourt provides access to the Gulf of Guinea for off-taking Aba products, and the Uyo provides deep sea port at Ibaka and international airport facilities as well as forest reserves for massive agro-economy.
He said with sea ports in Rivers State and deep seaport in Akwa Ibom, and international airports in Rivers and Akwa Ibom, Aba can focus on adequate power supply and fabrication boom to supply a new booming market around the economic triangle.
By doing this, he said, jobs would spill out in huge quantities and more manufacturers would be drawn from all over Africa to boost the fast coming African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA). He said Nigeria would thus have two major trade nodes in West Africa; Lagos and the PH/UYO/Aba triangle.
He said goods going to or coming from Chad, Niger, and the rest of Central Africa can head to the Lagos ports or to the Ibaka/PH ports zone in the new economic triangle.
He said with power supply made stable, good roads, excellent security system, and ease of doing business enthroned in the zone, the South-South and South East would become the biggest economic nerve in the near future.
Mayor of Housing called on governors of the three states to be intentional about the new corridor, put away political differences (if any), and create this corridor by agreeing on projects each state would execute with a short period of time so the states would be linked by good roads, communication, security, trade laws, concessions to investors, etc.
He remarked that northerners were already heading to the Onne Port in Rivers State to export goods, saying creating a commission to oversee the development of the ‘Economic Triangle’ would fast-track its emergence.
He observed that people of the three states are peaceful and usually preoccupied with zeal for economic prosperity, saying that if they are linked to such huge opportunities staring at them in the emerging economic triangle, they would totally shun violence and focus on prosperity.
Mr China insisted that the emerging economic triangle would form a big node not only into the Gulf of Guinea economic zone but into Africa because AfCFTA is about production, certification, market availability, and easy transport nodes by sea and air. He said the new economic triangle boasts of all the factors.
“They can only realise this by working together, through collaboration. One state cannot do it but a triangle of the three will create it through seamless interconnection, ports, industrial park, etc. The people will be the richest and internally generated revenue (IGR) will be the biggest in the country,” he said.
President Bola Tinubu has sent the names of 32 ambassadorial nominees to the Senate for confirmation, days after he sent the first batch of three names.
Among them are the immediate past chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Mahmud Yakubu, an aide to former President Goodluck Jonathan, Reno Omokri (Delta), and former Enugu State Governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, among others.
“In two separate letters to the Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, President Tinubu asked the Senate to consider and confirm expeditiously 15 nominees as career ambassadors and 17 nominees as non-career ambassadors,” read a statement on Saturday by the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga.
In the statement titled, ‘Tinubu nominates 32 additional ambassadors,’ Onanuga noted, “There are four women on the career ambassadors’ list and six women on the non-career ambassadors’ list.”
“Among the non-career ambassador designates are Ogbonnaya Kalu from Abia, a former presidential aide, Reno Omokri (Delta), former chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Mahmud Yakubu, former Ekiti first lady, Erelu Adebayo, and former Enugu governor, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi.
“Others are Tasiu Musa Maigari, the former speaker of the Katsina House of Assembly, Yakubu N. Gambo, a former Commissioner in Plateau State and former Deputy Executive Secretary of the Universal Basic Education Commission.
“Professor Nora Ladi Daduut, a former senator from Plateau; Otunba Femi Pedro, a former Deputy Governor of Lagos State; Femi Fani-Kayode, a former aviation minister from Osun State; and Nkechi Ufochukwu from Anambra State are on the nomination list,” the statement read.
Also on the list are former First Lady of Oyo, Fatima Florence Ajimobi, former Lagos Commissioner, Lola Akande, former Adamawa Senator, Grace Bent, former governor of Abia, Victor Okezie Ikpeazu, Senator Jimoh Ibrahim, businessman, lawyer and Senator from Ondo State, and the former ambassador of Nigeria to the Holy See, Ambassador Paul Oga Adikwu from Benue State.
Among the nominees for career ambassador and high commissioner-designates are: Enebechi Monica Okwuchukwu (Abia), Yakubu Nyaku Danladi (Taraba), Miamuna Ibrahim Besto (Adamawa), Musa Musa Abubakar (Kebbi), Syndoph Paebi Endoni (Bayelsa), Chima Geoffrey Lioma David (Ebonyi) and Mopelola Adeola-Ibrahim (Ogun).
The other nominees are Abimbola Samuel Reuben (Ondo), Yvonne Ehinosen Odumah(Edo), Hamza Mohammed Salau (Niger), Ambassador Shehu Barde (Katsina), Ambassador Ahmed Mohammed Monguno (Borno), Ambassador Muhammad Saidu Dahiru (Kaduna), Ambassador Olatunji Ahmed Sulu Gambari (Kwara) and Ambassador Wahab Adekola Akande (Osun).
“The new nominees are expected to be posted to countries with which Nigeria maintains excellent and strategic bilateral relations, such as China, India, South Korea, Canada, Mexico, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, South Africa, Kenya, and to Permanent Missions such as the United Nations, UNESCO, and the African Union.
“All the nominees will know their diplomatic assignments after their confirmation by the Senate,” it read.
Last week, Tinubu sent three ambassadorial nominees for screening and confirmation.
The nominees were Ambassador Ayodele Oke (Oyo), Ambassador Amin Mohammed Dalhatu (Jigawa), and Retired Colonel Lateef Kayode Are (Ogun).
All three are in the pot for posting to the UK, USA, or France after their confirmation.
“More nominees for ambassadorial positions will be announced soon,” Onanuga revealed.
The Secretary to Rivers State Government, Dr. Benibo Anabraba, has reiterated that the administration of Governor Siminalayi Fubara remains committed to improving access to quality education at all levels.
Dr. Anabraba gave the assurance while receiving the Deputy Registrar/Zonal Coordinator of the West African Examinations Council (WAEC), Mr Ayanfemi Adeniran-Amusan in Port Harcourt during a courtesy visit.
He emphasised that Governor Fubara remains resolute in sustaining investment in the education sector to improve the quality of teaching and learning.
According to him, “We appreciate the work you are doing and know that our students are amongst the highest in ranking.
“His Excellency, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, takes education very seriously. He is sponsoring the free registration of students for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) in Government Schools.
“Also, Governor Fubara has approved the establishment of Computer-Based Test (CBT) Centres across the State’s three senatorial districts and the 23 LGAs. The project is intended to improve access to digital learning and examination facilities for students so that our children are at breast with digital literacy, a prerequisite for today’s students.
“We are currently working assiduously to get those centres, both mega and mini, across the three senatorial districts and the 23 local government ready in order to meet up with your deadline,” he said.
The SSG also conveyed the assurances of the Governor to WAEC on Government’s willingness in providing land for its Zonal Office.
Earlier, the Deputy Registrar/Zonal Coordinator of the West African Examination Council, Mr Ayanfemi Adeniran-Amusan, promised to collaborate with the State Government in matters concerning education development.
In another development, the Secretary to State Government, Dr Benibo Anabraba, also met with officials of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons, NAPTIP, led by the Assistant Director of Intelligence, Rivers State Command, Barr. Ikediashi Nwamaka.
The SSG while appreciating the Agency for its effort in the protection of vulnerable persons, also raised Government’s concern on the activities of orphanages and care homes in unwholesome practices such as child trafficking, abuse of underaged girls also known as baby-factory, and the lack of regulations on surrogacy.
He however assured that the Rivers State Government has already put plans in place towards legislation to regulate these acts against vulnerable persons, particularly women and children.
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