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Restoring PH’s Garden City Status  

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Port Harcourt, once proudly known as the Garden City, was celebrated for its orderliness and pristine streets. The title was not a mere decorative phrase but a reflection of a time when cleanliness and environmental upkeep were hallmarks of life in the Rivers State capital. Residents and visitors alike took delight in the sight of well-kept roads, thriving greenery, and an atmosphere that spoke of civic responsibility and effective governance.
To preserve this reputation, the state government established the Rivers State Waste Management Agency, popularly called RIWAMA. It was formed from the then Rivers State Sanitation Authority, with the clear mandate to ensure that Port Harcourt and other parts of the state were kept free from refuse and environmental hazards. For many years, this agency was instrumental in sustaining the neatness that gave the city its enviable identity.
However, in recent times, RIWAMA appears not to be living up to its responsibilities. The once reassuring sight of refuse trucks making regular rounds has become increasingly rare. Instead, residents now encounter scenes of neglect, with piles of uncollected waste becoming a common feature across the city. This shift from efficiency to apparent abandonment is raising serious concerns among the public.
Today, heaps of refuse can be found in different parts of Rivers State, particularly in Port Harcourt. From residential neighbourhoods to busy commercial districts, the presence of littered rubbish has become all too familiar. These refuse heaps are not only unsightly but also emit foul odours, creating an unpleasant atmosphere for passers-by and residents.
The dangers posed by this situation go beyond aesthetics. Uncollected refuse provides breeding grounds for flies, rats, and other pests, thereby increasing the risk of disease outbreaks. In a densely populated city like Port Harcourt, the potential for an epidemic is real, and ignoring the issue could lead to a public health crisis. The wellbeing of residents is directly tied to how waste is managed, making the current situation deeply worrying.
Many residents are asking difficult questions. What has happened to the sanitation agency in recent times? Why has it seemingly abandoned its core duties? Is RIWAMA still actively in operation, or has it been crippled by poor funding? These questions demand answers, especially in light of the visible decline in waste management services.
Others wonder whether refuse disposal contractors are still being paid or whether bureaucratic bottlenecks have stalled operations. If funding is the problem, then it is a matter the state government must address urgently. If the issue is one of negligence, then accountability should be enforced. Whatever the case, the status quo cannot continue without risking grave consequences.
The situation is particularly dire in several parts of the city. Areas such as NTA Road, Elioparanwo, and Iwofe Roads are lined with refuse heaps that have remained for days, sometimes weeks. Similarly, the Egbelu/Ogbogoro axis and the Rumuodara stretch along the East–West Road, among others, are grappling with visible waste accumulation. These locations, being key routes for commuters, leave a poor impression on visitors and residents alike.
It is not just the roadside that suffers. Even median strips on affected roads are now blocked by refuse, an alarming sign that waste is being dumped indiscriminately. These once decorative and green sections of the road now serve as unsightly refuse points, undermining the beauty of the cityscape and endangering road safety.
The current rainy season only heightens the urgency of the matter. Rainwater washes refuse from these heaps into other areas, spreading filth and contamination. This water often finds its way into open drains and waterways, further compounding the health risks. The stench from such waste-laden runoffs also lingers in neighbourhoods, worsening the discomfort of residents.
Another grave consequence of this development is the blockage of drainage channels. Refuse swept into gutters and culverts by rainwater can cause severe clogging, which in turn leads to flooding. Port Harcourt is no stranger to flood-related disruptions, and poor waste management only worsens the problem.
It is clear that allowing this situation to persist will harm not only public health but also the city’s reputation. A Garden City cannot thrive amidst filth and neglect. Residents deserve better, and the environment must be safeguarded from further degradation.
The state government has a responsibility to act decisively. Whether by overhauling RIWAMA’s operations, boosting its funding, enforcing contractor accountability, or introducing more modern waste management strategies, urgent intervention is necessary. The health of the people and the integrity of the city depend on it.
Port Harcourt’s transformation from a clean, green city into one plagued by refuse heaps should serve as a wake-up call. With committed leadership, public cooperation, and a return to effective sanitation practices, the Garden City can reclaim its former glory. But this will only happen if decisive steps are taken now, before the piles of refuse turn from an eyesore into a catastrophe.
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Editorial

2026 CBT for SSCE: How Feasible?

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The Federal Government’s audacious ambition to fully switch to Computer-Based Testing (CBT) for the West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) and National Examinations Council (NECO) examinations by 2026 is a tall order that deserves a thorough reality check.
In April, the Minister of Education, Dr Tunji Alausa, issued a directive instructing WAEC and NECO to fully implement CBT by the May/June 2026 examination cycle. The plan is to kick things off with objective papers in November, then expand to include both objective and essay components by 2026.
While the drive towards modernisation is, in itself, a welcome idea, the timeline seems overly ambitious, bordering on wishful thinking. Frankly, unless state and local governments roll up their sleeves and invest significantly in critical education infrastructure, this vision is unlikely to get off the ground. The burden lies squarely on the shoulders of all 36 state governors and the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory to ensure that senior secondary schools are equipped with fully functional computer labs powered by solar energy. No half measures.
Even more pressing is the dire need for digitally literate teachers and trained computer instructors. Currently, around 70 per cent of students lack even basic computer skills. The situation is far worse in rural areas, where the infrastructure is practically non-existent. As of 2018, a mere six per cent of public primary schools had computers, compared to 52 per cent of their private counterparts — a glaring digital divide that threatens to leave the most vulnerable pupils further behind.
If this is not urgently addressed, pupils in underserved communities may find themselves out in the cold, with their chances of fair assessment hanging by a thread. Nigeria’s literacy rate stood at 69 per cent in 2022, but that figure masks deep inequalities between urban and rural areas. The cracks in the country’s educational foundation are all too visible.
To many, this sweeping CBT mandate seems like yet another case of “all motion, no movement.” While CBT could, in theory, improve how public exams are conducted, the grim reality is that Nigeria’s schools are simply not equipped to make it work. As of 2019, more than seven million students were enrolled in both public and private junior secondary schools, with over 13,000 public schools serving five million students — yet the quality of infrastructure varies wildly.
It is high time the government got its house in order. Improving learning conditions must take precedence before WAEC and NECO can reasonably shift to CBT. This is not the time for grandstanding or political showboating. To avoid another policy disaster, the necessary groundwork must be laid properly and promptly.
Public education in Nigeria has long been in the doldrums, plagued by policy flip-flops and years of neglect. Many secondary schools still lack basic classrooms, with students forced to learn under trees or in crumbling structures with next to no facilities. Jumping headfirst into digital exams without fixing these core issues is like putting the cart before the horse.
Even JAMB, which moved to CBT over a decade ago, still leans heavily on privately-owned computer centres to conduct the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME). That reliance has led to a litany of technical hiccups and logistical nightmares for candidates year after year. This year’s outing was particularly shambolic. It is a stark reminder that poor planning leads to poor outcomes.
The hard truth is that, under current conditions, a full transition to CBT for WAEC and NECO is more likely to stir up a hornet’s nest than solve existing problems. The chaos surrounding the delayed English language paper in the last WASSCE is a case in point. Some are even calling for its cancellation. The government’s insistence on pushing ahead with this plan raises questions about whether students’ best interests are truly being served or whether something else is afoot.
To see real progress, governments at all levels must put their money where their mouth is by injecting serious funding into public education and making it both accessible and affordable for every child. Nigeria’s goal of reaching 95 per cent digital literacy by 2030 only adds urgency to this call. Without adequate infrastructure, that goal will remain a pipe dream.
Equally important is the need to democratise decision-making in the education sector. This means actively involving students, parents, teachers, and their unions, not simply handing down directives from on high.
At the end of the day, the 2026 CBT rollout appears to ignore the elephant in the room: the woeful state of Nigeria’s public education system. Without massive investment in infrastructure, robust teacher training, and real commitment from the powers that be, the CBT dream may end up as yet another white elephant, a flashy policy that fails to make any lasting difference to the lives of Nigeria’s students.
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Editorial

UNIPORT @50: Celebrating Excellence

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The University of Port Harcourt’s Golden Jubilee celebration, which commenced on 21st July, was concluded yes
terday. With the theme “Celebrating 50 Years of Excellence,” the week-long event offered a reflective look at the institution’s extraordinary transformation—from its humble beginnings in 1975 as a budding academic centre to its present status as a symbol of scholarly excellence in Nigeria and beyond. Founded by the Federal Government as University College, Port Harcourt, it attained full university status in 1977, true to its guiding motto, “For Enlightenment and Self-Reliance.”
This institution has been instrumental in shaping Nigeria’s educational landscape. Its leadership journey began with the pioneering efforts of its first Vice-Chancellor, Professor Donald Ekong, who served from 1977 to 1982. During his tenure, he established the academic foundation and values that have continued to guide the university. Successive administrations have built upon this legacy, with the current Vice-Chancellor, Professor Owunari Georgewill, carrying the torch of visionary leadership.
Over the past five decades, the University of Port Harcourt (UNIPORT) has blossomed into a veritable melting pot of disciplines, celebrated for its impressive research output and unwavering contributions to national development. What began in 1977 with a modest six schools evolved into a full-fledged faculty system by 1982, a strategic shift designed to accommodate its expanding academic programmes and swelling student population. This transformation is a testament to the university’s ability to move with the times and keep its finger on the pulse of higher education.
UNIPORT was established during a period when the nation’s leaders recognised the pressing need to widen access to tertiary education. Its founding vision was not simply to churn out graduates, but to cultivate thinkers, innovators, and nation-builders. Through thick and thin, the institution has remained steadfast to this noble mission, undeterred by the challenges that have inevitably come its way.
The university’s commitment to fostering goodwill with its host communities, such as Choba and Aluu, speaks volumes. Recent visits by the Governing Council, under the leadership of Senator Mao Ohuabunwo, highlight a hands-on approach to building bridges and strengthening these crucial relationships. After all, maintaining a strong social licence to operate is no walk in the park and requires constant effort and engagement.
UNIPORT’s pursuit of academic excellence has not gone unnoticed on the international stage. In 2015, the university pulled off a remarkable coup when “Times Higher Education” ranked it sixth in Africa and first in Nigeria – a feather in its cap and a clear endorsement of its commitment to quality education, ground-breaking research, and innovation. This accolade has firmly cemented its standing among the continent’s foremost academic powerhouses.
Its research achievements have been nothing short of transformative, particularly in fields such as health, petroleum exploration, and environmental sciences. The trailblazing innovations of the Central Instrument Laboratory, showcased during World Laboratory Day 2025, underline its critical role in pushing scientific boundaries. Today, its reputation as Nigeria’s top research institution stands as incontrovertible proof of its intellectual mettle.
Since July 2021, the university has been under the astute leadership of Professor Georgewill, whose tenure has been marked by far-reaching initiatives aimed at raising the bar in academics, research, and community service. His administration has been keen to leave no stone unturned in enhancing the university’s global profile.
With 14 faculties and more than 60,000 students, UNIPORT has produced an army of distinguished graduates – from Masters and PhD holders excelling worldwide to public figures of national prominence. Among its illustrious alumni are former President Goodluck Jonathan, ex-Rivers State governors Chibuike Amaechi and Nyesom Wike, as well as Abia State Governor Alex Otti. The Theatre Arts Department has also given Nigeria some of its brightest Nollywood stars, including Rita Dominic, Sam Dede, and Hilda Dokubo, who have all added rich hues to the country’s cultural tapestry.
The university’s legacy is further enriched by the scholarship of eminent academics such as Professor Ebiegberi J. Alagoa, renowned historian and former vice-chancellor, Professor Kelsey Harrison, the acclaimed gynaecologist and former vice-chancellor, and the late intellectual giants, Professors Ola Rotimi, Kay Williamson, Nimi Briggs, and Claude Ake. Their enduring contributions have ensured UNIPORT remains a cradle of intellectual brilliance.
Yet, it would be remiss to ignore the hurdles ahead. Infrastructure development, though ongoing, often feels like watching paint dry. The Senate Building’s relocation from Delta Park to University Park marks some progress, but facilities such as the crumbling University Crab and the overstretched teaching hospital are crying out for attention. A shortage of lecture halls, classrooms, and hostels continues to hamper the learning experience. The golden jubilee is, therefore, a golden opportunity to tackle these gaps head-on and set UNIPORT on a path to global prominence.
As this Ivory Tower celebrates its 50th anniversary, it must also take stock and look to the future with a bold vision. To climb the global university rankings, it needs to invest strategically in world-class research, digital education, and international collaborations with top-tier institutions.
We call upon the Federal and Rivers State Governments, corporate organisations, and public-spirited individuals to rally behind UNIPORT’s renewal. A university that has shaped leaders of national and global stature should not be left to make bricks without straw; it deserves robust financial and infrastructural backing.
On this historic milestone, we heartily congratulate the University of Port Harcourt for half a century of service to Nigeria and humanity. The next fifty years should be marked by audacious ambitions, cutting-edge innovation, and an unrelenting pursuit of excellence. Here is to a golden past and an even brighter future, the best, as they say, is yet to come!

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Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

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The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.

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