Editorial
No To Total Ban On Motorcycles
To combat the current nationwide insecurity in Nigeria, the Federal Government recently proposed
a ban on the operations of commercial motorcyclists, otherwise called “Okada” riders, across the country. This recommendation is another indication that deep or scientific thinking does not characterise how decisions are taken in the nation’s corridors of power. This is a problem any competent government can solve without throwing the baby away with the bath water.
The Federal Government, through the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, AbubakarMalami, had declared openly that the National Security Council, chaired by President MuhammaduBuhari, might be compelled to ban the use of motorcycles and mining activities after the discovery that it remained a major means of movement by bandits and source of amassing ransom from kidnap victims.
Painfully, these are people whom the government has dismally failed to provide with meaningful employment or any form of sustainable empowerment, even though many of them are well-educated with families and dependents. Besides the economic and security implications, the scheme, if enforced, will impoverish millions of Nigerians, and further compound the anti-social vices the authorities are striving hard to contain.
Commuters regard motorcycles as a great relief to their transportation difficulties while bike riders see their adventure as a source of livelihood. Undoubtedly, the use of motorcycles has enhanced mobility for the middle-class and other income earners, which by extension has contributed immensely to an increase in production through a boost in man-hours. Many commercial motorcycle riders are in the business because they have no options neither are they interested in the commission of crime.
Bikes offer certain advantages of easy maneuverability, ability to travel on bad roads, and responsiveness to demand. We cannot wish them away as a means of transportation. The government should be circumspect in their decision. States should undertake repairs of all damaged roads where “Okada” activities thrive because of the refusal of commercial vehicles to ply such routes. LGs should repair inner roads. Of the country’s total road network of 195,000 kilometres, only 35,000 are federal, leaving the rest to the states and LGs.
If all the people to be rendered jobless by this plan take to crime, how can the government cope? It is wrong to attribute all the movements of terrorists to motorcycles, as criminals also operate with vehicles. When terrorists attacked Kuje prison, was it the motorcycle riders that caused the failure of intelligence? How did they beat all the security checkpoints to get to such a fortified facility? Was it motorcycles that enabled them to overwhelm the security agents attached to the correctional centre? Were motorcycles also responsible for the late re-enforcement?
Although placing a ban on the use of motorbikes may cut the supply of logistics and source of funds for the purchase of arms to the terrorists, there must be well-thought-out alternatives to lessen the effects of the attendant loss of livelihoods on those to be affected. It must not worsen the country’s dire economic situation.
A World Bank report noted that the number of poor individuals in Nigeria will rise to 95.1 million in 2022. In 2020, the figure was 89.0 million people. Over 6.1 million more persons would have fallen into the poverty bracket between 2020 and 2022, a 6.7 per cent increase. With the projected 2022 figures, the number of poor people in Nigeria has had a four-year increase of 14.7 per cent from the 2018/19 figure of 82.1 million to the projected 95.1 million in 2022. The poverty rate has been aided by the impact of the COVID-19 crisis, the growing population, the high inflation rate, and the harsh effects of the Ukraine-Russia warfare.
This development is coming after the Nigerian government said it lifted 10.5 million citizens out of poverty between 2019 and 2021. The President has repeatedly said that the Bank of Industry has created nine million jobs in the country since 2015, and different schemes to generate jobs and tackle poverty have been launched; these have failed to stem poverty. Therefore, if the suggested ban is effected, many Nigerians will be directly impacted including their families.
Motorcycle ban may not be new to some states in the South-East and South-South where commercial bikes had been prohibited long ago. Moreover, Lagos State has restricted “Okada” in some local government areas. States like Kebbi, Sokoto, Borno, Yobe and Zamfara have placed a total ban on their activities while Katsina restricted their operations in some frontline local governments. Selective proscription of this transportation mode in troubled areas is the way to go, not a nationwide ban.
However, the Federal Government’s proposition is beyond its constitutional purview. In a federal polity, it is the states and local governments that should impose and carry out such a ban. The federal authorities can only enforce the ban in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), on federal interstate highways and in any state where an emergency rule is in force. At best, it can only persuade the states of the overriding urgency of such a sweeping embargo to combat insecurity.
A blanket prohibition must result in a provision for alternatives. Otherwise, the government will merely be expanding the army of criminals and terrorists. Handling the criminality of motorbike operators is a matter of competent governance. They can be trained, licensed and allocated areas of operations. They should be compelled to belong to unions that are accountable to the government so that felons among them can easily be nabbed.
In parts of the country where motorcycles have become the mode of transport for terrorists and other criminals, tricycles, bicycles and mini-buses can be used to replace them, at least for now. That will enable the easy isolation of terrorists on bikes. Also, the Federal Government should stem illegal immigration from the Sahel into Nigeria. This is because many of the insurgents are foreigners working with their Nigerian cohorts.
“Okada” riders should conduct themselves orderly with proper means of identification. Doing such will assist the security operatives in checkmating insecurity and fish out criminals using motorcycles to perpetrate evil. The security status of the country is unstable. It has to be realised that in overcoming the threat, the aftermath of every decision must be properly evaluated. The unemployment and insecurity haunting Nigeria will exacerbate if the government proceeds with its proposal.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.