Editorial
Addressing IDPs’ Crisis

A recent statement by the Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management
and Social Development, Sadiya Farouk, to the effect that Nigeria has over two million internally displaced persons (IDPs) is unfortunate. Speaking in an interview in Abuja, the Minister said the affected persons were displaced following the activities of insurgents, bandits and communal disturbances.
At its core, the displacement crisis in Nigeria is driven by ongoing violent conflicts, a weak economy, and bad governance. Without addressing these long-term issues, displacement will continue to challenge the country. Since 2009, the Boko Haram insurgency and the counter-insurgency by the Nigerian security forces, killer-herdsmen, and bandits have turned Nigeria, particularly the North-East into a conflict zone.
Government’s inability to quell the crises has compelled several to flee for safety as IDPs, while others cross the borders into countries neighbouring Nigeria as refugees. With a population of over 200 million, Nigeria shamelessly tops the list of the three countries in Africa with the highest population of IDPs (the Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan following next).
The IDPs suffer rich and multifaceted problems, ranging from lack of access to potable water, good health care services, food and shelter, inadequate life-saving assistance, insecurity, and unclear prospects of achieving durable solutions. Lack of a clear national policy, institutional and legal frameworks in addressing internal displacement seem to intensify their plight.
Administering basic aid, while necessary, will not be enough to meet this growing challenge. A system where IDPs learn to become self-sustaining could be created. Host communities should provide displaced persons with the opportunity for meaningful integration into society and rebuild if they return home. This model alleviates the pressure on the state to assist in perpetuity. They can contribute to society rather than remaining reliant on aid.
Displacement crisis is not peculiar to Nigeria, it is similarly a challenge to the entire African continent. According to the United Nations (UN), 25 million Africans have been forcibly displaced, including 6.3 million refugees and 14.5 million IDPs. In the last two years alone, there have been five million displaced persons, leading the African Union to designate 2019 the year of the refugee, IDP, and returnee. As the number of the displaced increases, entire generations of youth have become adults having only known life in a refugee camp.
In 2019, Nigeria Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP) indicated that about 7.7 million Nigerians needed humanitarian assistance including the over 2.5 million IDPs who require shelter, health care services, food, security, psychosocial and basic livelihood assistance. The situation is further made precarious by the continuous attacks of the insurgents which systematically result in more displacements.
We think that giving humanitarian aid is just a start; tackling the root causes of internal displacement is the only path to a durable solution. There should be a legally backed national policy on IDPs, to include protection against rights abuses and punitive measures for corrupt humanitarian officers. Also, provision should be made for effective coordination among national humanitarian agencies. Again, a precise rule of engagement between the government and the international humanitarian agencies should be clearly defined.
Statistics of the National Population Commission (NPC) estimated that 80 per cent of IDPs in Nigeria are women and children who are not the initiators of the conflicts but end up being the severest victims. The situation is worsened because it is a case of double jeopardy as the war conditions degenerate into a ‘living hell’ for the IDPs. After all, crimes are committed against their dignity and liberty.
The IDPs are often neglected, stigmatized, and alienated. They face difficulties in access to basic services. With the Covid-19 outbreak, their situation is further worsened as they struggle to survive the impact of the conflict and the contagion at the same time. Now more than ever, they need our support.
We urge the media to do more by highlighting their plights to draw the attention of the government, civil society groups, and other stakeholders to assist improve their conditions. This may not eliminate their misery, but it will certainly curtail it. Dubious activities are bound to occur in a society where people live in agony and pains.
The militant Islamic movement, Boko Haram, which has its roots in Nigeria, poses a potential danger to Nigeria’s neighbours as its influence spreads beyond the country’s borders. This threat should be evaluated and managed as Nigeria and the international community attempt to address the challenge demonstrated by the terrorists.
The risks presented by the militant group are amplified primarily through the prevalence of porous borders in the West African sub-region. Countries like Benin, Cameroon, Chad and Niger are all targets due to their proximity to Nigeria, their demographics and their socio-economic realities. At greatest risk are Cameroon and Niger, which share considerably vast borders with Nigeria.
That is why the establishment of the tripartite security drill tagged Nigeria’s Joint Border Patrol Team (JBPT) is apt. The security outfit was specifically set up by Nigeria, Niger and Benin Republic to combat smuggling, irregular migration and other trans-border crimes. The new formation is a transformation of Operation Swift Response (OSR), a land border, multi-agency operation, which was launched in August 2019 and coordinated by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA).
The National Security Adviser (NSA), Major General Babagana Monguno (rtd), and his team should be committed to the assignment and not rest on their oars. It is hoped that through the operation of the JBPT, the smuggling of illicit drugs and proliferation of small arms and light weapons used to exacerbate violent extremism and terrorism in some parts of the country will be significantly curbed.
More so, regional and international organisations should support efforts geared at tightening borders and restricting the flow of terrorists within the sub-region. Nigeria needs to cooperate with its neighbours for effectiveness in border policy with greater attention to the endeavours of border communities. Funding infrastructural development for enhancing border security is one way in which border control efforts can be supported.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
No To Political Office Holders’ Salary Hike
Nigeria’s Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) has unveiled a gratuitous proposal to increase the salaries of political and public office holders in the country. This plan seeks to fatten the pay packets of the president, vice-president, governors, deputy governors, and members of the National and State Assemblies. At a time when the nation is struggling to steady its economy, the suggestion that political leaders should be rewarded with more money is not only misplaced but insulting to the sensibilities of the ordinary Nigerian.
What makes the proposal even more opprobrious is the dire economic condition under which citizens currently live. The cost of living crisis has worsened, inflation has eroded the purchasing power of workers, and the naira continues to tumble against foreign currencies. The majority of Nigerians are living hand to mouth, with many unable to afford basic foodstuffs, medical care, and education. Against this backdrop, political office holders, who already enjoy obscene allowances, perks, and privileges, should not even contemplate a salary increase.
It is, therefore, not surprising that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has stepped in to challenge this development. SERAP has filed a lawsuit against the RMAFC to halt the implementation of this salary increment. This resolute move represents a voice of reason and accountability at a time when public anger against political insensitivity is palpable. The group is rightly insisting that the law must serve as a bulwark against impunity.
According to a statement issued by SERAP’s Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, the commission has been dragged before the Federal High Court in Abuja. Although a hearing date remains unconfirmed, the momentous step of seeking judicial redress reflects a determination to hold those in power accountable. SERAP has once again positioned itself as a guardian of public interest by challenging an elite-centric policy.
The case, registered as suit number FHC/ABJ/CS/1834/2025, specifically asks the court to determine “whether RMAFC’s proposed salary hike for the president, vice-president, governors and their deputies, and lawmakers in Nigeria is not unlawful, unconstitutional and inconsistent with the rule of law.” This formidable question goes to the very heart of democratic governance: can those entrusted with public resources decide their own pay rises without violating the constitution and moral order?
In its pleadings, SERAP argues that the proposed hike runs foul of both the 1999 Nigerian Constitution and the RMAFC Act. By seeking a judicial declaration that such a move is unlawful, unconstitutional, and inconsistent with the rule of law, the group has placed a spotlight on the tension between self-serving leadership and constitutionalism. To trivialise such an issue would be harum-scarum, for the constitution remains the supreme authority guiding governance.
We wholeheartedly commend SERAP for standing firm, while we roundly condemn RMAFC’s selfish proposal. Political office should never be an avenue for financial aggrandisement. Since our leaders often pontificate sacrifice to citizens, urging them to tighten their belts in the face of economic turbulence, the same leaders must embody sacrifice themselves. Anything short of this amounts to double standards and betrayal of trust.
The Nigerian economy is not buoyant enough to shoulder the additional cost of a salary increase for political leaders. Already, lawmakers and executives enjoy allowances that are grossly disproportionate to the national average income. These earnings are sufficient not only for their needs but also their unchecked greed. To even consider further increments under present circumstances is egregious, a slap in the face of ordinary workers whose minimum wage remains grossly insufficient.
Resources earmarked for such frivolities should instead be channelled towards alleviating the suffering of citizens and improving the nation’s productive capacity. According to United Nations statistics, about 62.9 per cent of Nigerians were living in multidimensional poverty in 2021, compared to 53.7 per cent in 2017. Similarly, nearly 30.9 per cent of the population lives below the international poverty line of US$2.15 per day. These figures paint a stark picture: Nigeria is a poor country by all measurable standards, and any extra naira diverted to elite pockets deepens this misery.
Besides, the timing of this proposal could not be more inappropriate. At a period when unemployment is soaring, inflation is crippling households, and insecurity continues to devastate communities, the RMAFC has chosen to pursue elite enrichment. It is widely known that Nigeria’s economy is in a parlous state, and public resources should be conserved and wisely invested. Political leaders must show prudence, not profligacy.
Another critical dimension is the national debt profile. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria’s total public debt as of March 2025 stood at a staggering N149.39 trillion. External debt obligations also remain heavy, with about US$43 billion outstanding by September 2024. In such a climate of debt-servicing and borrowing to fund budgets, it is irresponsible for political leaders to even table the idea of inflating their salaries further. Debt repayment, not self-reward, should occupy their minds.
This ignoble proposal is insensitive, unnecessary, and profoundly reckless. It should be discarded without further delay. Public office is a trust, not an entitlement to wealth accumulation. Nigerians deserve leaders who will share in their suffering, lead by example, and prioritise the common good over self-indulgence. Anything less represents betrayal of the social contract and undermines the fragile democracy we are striving to build.
Editorial
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