Editorial
In Support Of Neighbourhood Watch Revival
Governor Siminalayi Fubara’s decision to reintroduce the Rivers Neighbourhood Watch, also known as Rivers State Neighbourhood Safety Corps, after six years of its establishment, reflects the Governor’s dedication to the security of the residents of the state. The Neighbourhood Watch, which was established by the previous administration, serves as a community-based security organisation with a primary goal of boosting community safety, especially in addressing the prevalent issue of oil theft in the region.
Neighbourhood Safety Corps has been inactive or inadequately funded for approximately six years as a result of several administrative challenges. Governor Fubara recently convened a meeting with the leaders of the security outfit in a private setting, expressing a firm commitment to rejuvenate the organisation. This initiative is accompanied by assurances of improved assistance and incorporation into the state’s security framework.
The leader of the Corps, Wogbo Lawrence, expressed gratitude to the Governor for the initiative, emphasising the challenges the outfit faces in sustaining its operations with limited support. He mentioned that they had successfully kept about 1,150 personnel engaged throughout the 23 local government areas of the state. The Director-General of the agency, Mike Chukwuma, who is a retired Assistant Commissioner of Police and former experienced police public relations officer (PPRO) in Rivers State, also praised Fubara’s decision.
Governor Fubara’s actions exemplify a comprehensive approach to addressing local security concerns by actively involving communities, thereby establishing a potential model for state governments to interact with local residents on security issues. Nevertheless, the success of this initiative will hinge on its proper execution, adequate funding, and sustained support from the community in the long term.
Following the signing of the bill for the establishment of the agency into law by former Governor Nyesom Wike in March 2018, its complete implementation faced obstacles due to allegations from the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) in the state. The APC claimed that the security structure was intended to intimidate its members during the 2019 elections, leading to a prolonged legal dispute that was ultimately resolved in the Supreme Court.
The Tide highly commends the Governor for his efforts in revitalising the stagnant institution. If implemented, security will be accessible throughout the entire state. This initiative will facilitate the smooth operation of businesses for all residents. By promoting the establishment of individually designed security systems by states, the prevailing security issues plaguing the nation can be effectively eliminated.
Upon the outfit becoming fully operational, it is important that the state government expeditiously address the outstanding salaries owed to the employees by the previous administration. Resolving these unsettled obligations is essential not only for boosting the morale of the workforce but also for optimising operational efficiency. Unpaid salaries have the capacity to reduce productivity and increase discontent among employees, thereby jeopardising the overall efficacy of public services.
Like any conscientious organisation, the Rivers State Neighbourhood Safety Corps has clear objectives. The objectives are (a) gathering information about crime, crime in progress, suspicious activities and crime suspects away from other things; (b) making available such relevant information on crime, crime in progress; suspicious activities and crime suspects to the police or other security agencies that require it; (c) putting structures in place to ensure that hoodlums and cult groups do not have the opportunity to operate within the state.
Others include (d) undertaking routine motorised patrol day and night; (e) reducing the crime rate and ensuring that offenders are identified and made to account for their misdeeds; (f) following up on arrest of offenders to court and ensuring justice; (g) timely reporting of suspicious activities and crimes in progress to the police or other security agencies; (h) improving relationship between the police and the community as it concerns law enforcement.
Also, (i) contributing in maintaining community peace; (j) providing the police with relevant information that will enhance their understanding of how to effectively police the communities and; (k) assisting the police carry out any other lawful activities in maintaining law and order.
Indeed, the underlying objectives of this legislation are commendable as they reflect the desire for a more secure state. Proper execution holds the potential to offer a greater sense of protection to all individuals. However, Rivers people place a strong emphasis on the agency’s neutrality. There is a lasting concern that it could be misused against political opponents, a worry that has been present since its inception in 2018. Therefore, it will be vital to establish transparency and accountability in its undertakings to address these anxieties and cultivate a truly safe environment for all residents of the state.
Unlike the previous administration, there is necessity to effectively fund the enterprise to guarantee its sustainability. Without adequate resources, the organisation faces a risk of stagnation, which could lead to it becoming inactive once more. Strategic financial investment is obligatory for maintaining operational consistency, as well as for promoting innovation and expansion. Giving precedence to financial backing can establish a strong foundation that enables the enterprise to prosper, overcome obstacles, and ultimately accomplish its mission more efficiently in a continuously changing environment.
Through the implementation of the Neighbourhood Watch programme, it is anticipated that the obstacles currently encountered by law enforcement agencies in the state will be alleviated. This initiative aims to address concerns like delayed police responses to emergencies and mishandling of information, ultimately leading to improved public safety. The outfit is expected to generate employment opportunities for the youth, foster stronger relationships, respect, and trust between the organisation and community members. Residents will feel more actively involved in crime prevention and management. Rivers people should rally behind the Governor in actualising this laudable project.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.