Editorial
Oil Theft: That Alleged Military’s Complicity

The Rivers State Governor, Sir Siminalayi Fubara, recently expressed deep concern over the persistent loss of crude oil and its resultant negative impact on the environment. He made allegation, stating that despite his administration’s strong dedication to combat illegal bunkering activities in the state, certain officers of the Nigerian Army were involved in compromising behaviours in specific areas such as Ahoada East and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Areas.
The governor conveyed this allegation during his meeting with the Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen. Taoreed Abiodun Lagbaja, who paid a formal visit to the Government House in Port Harcourt. According to the governor, the implicated officers were affiliated with a specific company located in the Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area.
Fubara said, “One special problem that we have here is the issue of bunkering. In some parts of the state, in Ahoada East and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, most of the bunkering activities there, we believe, are subsisting because there is this cooperation between the Army and high-top oil companies. I am saying this because there is this road we are constructing in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, and each time the contractors approach this particular company to solicit cooperation to enable them to carry out their obligations, the military always attack the contractors.”
We commend the governor for bravely speaking out against the military’s involvement in the atrocious act, despite encountering stiff opposition to interventions. The governor’s claims have been verified and it is crucial that security agencies are compelled to disclose any member who may be collaborating with the perpetrators. The Federal Government must stay firm in its commitment, promptly fulfilling its responsibility to uncover any complicit official.
Fubara’s observation is supported by the remarks of prominent Niger Delta ex-militant leader, Asari Dokubo, who accused the Nigerian military of being responsible for a greater majority of oil theft in the country. Dokubo made this accusation following a private meeting with President Bola Tinubu in the latter’s office. He mentioned that the President had assured him of conducting an investigation into the allegations of extensive oil bunkering orchestrated by influential naval commanders who served as kingpins, and also pledged to take firm action to put an end to this ignominious practice.
The former militant leader asserted that the culpability for oil theft in the Niger Delta region lies not with the ordinary citizens, who lack the means to orchestrate such complex acts of theft. He contended that the manner in which the oil thieves have conducted their illicit activities had not only deprived the people of the Niger Delta of their means of sustenance, but also constitutes a grave crime against humanity.
To corroborate this claim, a House of Representatives committee is currently investigating the substantial oil theft in the Niger Delta after uncovering, through credible intelligence, collaboration between regulatory agencies and security agencies. The committee has said that it will examine the actions of marginal field operators who are accused of assisting in crude oil theft to compensate for production deficits. The lawmakers have already had discussions with security agencies and plan to also involve marginal field operators, as well as 14 production-sharing contract operators, and 57 joint venture operators in their investigations.
Oil theft in Nigeria is causing severe damage, with roughly 40 per cent of explored crude oil being lost due to theft and measurement inaccuracies caused by insufficient maintenance of metering facilities. The House has estimated that in 2021 alone, the country suffered a loss of $4billion, equivalent to a daily loss of 200,000 barrels. A recent statement from the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, confirmed that a staggering 400,000 barrels are being stolen each day. Consequently, Nigeria is unable to meet its current OPEC production quota of 1.8 million barrels per day.
President Bola Tinubu should investigate Governor Fubara’s claims. The military should also conduct an internal investigation to identify any collaborators within its ranks, both current and retired. In 2022, the former Chief of Defence Staff, Lucky Irabor, expressed a commitment to investigating oil theft activities after visiting oil theft sites in Delta State with oil sector executives. His successor, Chris Musa, should ensure that this promise is upheld. The Nigerian Navy should take necessary steps to remove any officer found to be involved in these illicit activities.
The most perplexing aspect of Nigeria’s oil theft situation is the deliberate act of setting vessels ablaze, either onshore or at sea, along with the captured stolen crude oil. This is done without conducting comprehensive investigations, initiating legal proceedings, or obtaining court orders. The government should cease this peculiar and extravagant practice.
The impact of oil theft on the economy is enormous, considering that crude oil contributes to about 90 per cent of the country’s revenue. According to a study published in the European Modern Studies Journal, Nigeria has suffered substantial revenue losses due to oil theft. In 2019, the country lost $2.1billion, followed by $1.9billion in 2020, $7.2billion in 2021, and a staggering $22.4billion in 2022.
The government plays a critical role in safeguarding pipelines and other economic assets, and it is imperative that they strengthen their efforts in this regard. It is essential to identify and apprehend security operatives involved in oil theft, ensuring that they face prosecution for their actions. Any collaborators within the military’s ranks must be held accountable and brought to justice.
This is one best way to ensure that the fight against crude oil theft and illegal refining of petroleum products is eliminated, so as to save the nation of the excruciating pains it faces not just because of huge revenue losses but also the damage to the environment and the consequent health complications.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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