Editorial
Ibaa Tragedy: Avoiding A Repeat
An explosion and fire at an illegal oil refinery site in Emohua Local Government Area of Rivers State killed, at least, 30 people, including a pregnant woman. The blast happened where illegal refineries are common. Reports said the death toll had been increasing because many of the bodies were completely burnt and dozens of people were severely injured.
Some sources revealed that workers at the site were involved in refining crude oil that had been illegally obtained from a vandalised pipe. Unfortunately, explosions at locally-run refineries are not uncommon in the locality, including the Niger Delta region, which is rich in hydrocarbons but plagued by poverty.
Emohua is often targeted by chronic oil theft, leading to a high number of incidents. To avoid detection, shady operators frequently set up refineries in remote locations, where they can bypass regulators. However, these facilities often lack adherence to safety standards, resulting in frequent fires and accidents. Tragically, one such incident occurred in Imo State, last year, claiming the lives of over 100 people.
In 2021, a tragic incident occurred in Rumuekpe community in Emohua LGA, resulting in the loss of many lives. An explosion at an illegal refinery site, known as “kpo fire” in the Ijaw language, caused the death of operators and injuries to others.
This was not the first incident, as a few months earlier, another fire explosion claimed many lives from an illegal oil tapping point. The inferno also destroyed vehicles near the pipeline in the same community.
We strongly denounce the actions of illegal refiners within the local government area, in particular and Rivers State in general, as their activities have resulted in unprecedented calamities. Security agents should take immediate action by apprehending and prosecuting these perpetrators. It is disheartening to witness the helplessness of law enforcement agents, particularly the police, and operatives of Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), who are often compromised by these illegal refiners as they freely move in and out of the area with illicit products.
Traditional rulers and stakeholders in Emohua communities are to blame for this felony. They must discourage illegal oil bunkering and artisanal refinery activities in their domains. The Rivers State Government should not hesitate to depose these rulers who permit illegal oil bunkering activities to continue in their communities. Aside from the soot problem and economic sabotage associated with the criminal activities, government’s facilities such as internal roads are damaged.
The Chairman of Emohua LGA, Dr Chidi Lyod, should not tolerate the presence of artisanal crude oil refineries in the area. While his current actions are praiseworthy, he must strengthen his efforts by dismantling all identified illegal crude oil bunkering and artisanal refinery sites within the area. Also, the state government should demand a comprehensive list of these illegal refinery locations and their operators, aiming to destroy such places and prosecute their owners.
It is troubling that the production of adulterated petroleum products persists despite the rigorous security measures and surveillance efforts. Unfortunately, the loss of lives and property caused by illegal refineries continues to rise, despite the presence of community heads, community development committees (CDCs), and local vigilante groups tasked with protecting oil installations.
No doubt, Nigeria lost $3billion in stolen crude oil from January 2021 to February 2022, according to the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC). Despite being a major oil producer in Africa, the Niger Delta region lacks vital services and job prospects, leading to residents feeling neglected by the government. While illegal oil theft is unacceptable, the federal and state governments should set up modular refineries to generate employment for the youths.
Modular refineries are a promising solution to combat illegal petroleum refining. Involving community youth and women organisations as security personnel can enhance their implementation. This not only provides them with livelihood opportunities but also empowers them to protect their interests. By creating refining and marketing opportunities for the youths, we can effectively reduce illegal refining activities caused by unemployment.
Unlawful refining is a pressing issue that cannot be ignored, as it is primarily carried out by individuals who tamper with oil pipelines for their own illicit gains. It is vital that we address this problem by raising awareness among the relevant authorities. Governments at all levels, as well as the agencies involved in crude oil production, must take immediate action to combat this problem, as it has inflicted grievous harm on numerous communities.
The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and other interventionist agencies should train and equip youths to prevent them from engaging in illegal refining. This will reduce joblessness, gas flaring, and criminal refining while boosting the economy and revenue. Multinational oil companies should also endorse efforts to make young people productive.
National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) should provide disaster risk information, implement strategies, and raise awareness of the consequences of illegal crude oil refining to local communities. Community leaders, traditional and religious leaders, women, and youth groups should support NEMA, act as watchdogs, and advocate against prohibited refining activities to protect lives, property, and the environment.
Disaster risk management relies on local and collective efforts, which should be prioritised before gaining national attention. Security agencies and regulatory bodies in the oil and gas sector should join forces to address outlawed refining at its source to prevent and mitigate disasters. Limited access to socio-economic opportunities has increased community vulnerability and led to risky and illegal activities. By tackling these underlying factors, we can create a safer environment for everyone.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.