Editorial
Need To Sustain Pipelines Security
The security agreement which the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited entered with Tantita Security Services Limited seems to be yielding positive results as the country has started experiencing an increase in crude oil sales at the international market.
This disclosure was made when the Deputy Majority Leader, House of Representatives, Hon. Peter Akpatason, commended the NNPC Limited and non-state actors for ensuring the security of oil facilities in oil-producing states. He stated this in Abuja after leading a delegation alongside the Chairman of the House Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream), Mr Sariki Arda, on an oversight function to riverine areas of Delta State.
Akpatason said the security of oil facilities in the region had increased the volume of crude oil production. He commended the Federal Government, the Navy, and Tantita Security Service Nigeria Limited for its success and urged the government to look into offshore oil theft. He attributed the successes recorded in the crude oil production a result of the signing of the pipeline surveillance contract with Tantita Security Service, owned by Government Tompolo.
On August 13, this year, NNPC signed a contract with Tantita Security Service for pipeline monitoring services. Before the contract was awarded, NNPC Limited’s Group Chief Executive, Mele Kyari, and the Minister of State for Petroleum, Timipre Sylva, had warned that more than 700,000 barrels of Nigerian oil were being stolen each day.
About 90 per cent of Nigeria’s foreign exchange comes from crude oil sales, which have been thwarted by oil thieves. The knock-on effect of this crude oil theft is that foreign exchange reserves are under considerable pressure, and the shortage of U.S. dollars causes the Naira to depreciate. Security contracts have become a priority because Nigeria also relies on crude oil and gas revenues to fund much of the Federal Government’s budget.
Cumulatively, Nigeria’s national oil production has recovered to an average of more than 1.47 million barrels per day in November from an all-time low of 1.1 million barrels per day before the contract was signed in August 2022, according to documents released by the NNPC. This translates to an increase of over 300,000 BPD.
Likewise, the findings further suggest that oil production continues to improve significantly as more and more wells and associated surface facilities, hitherto shut down by ongoing theft and vandalism, reopen. Specifically, narrowing down on the Joint Venture assets, mainly onshore which were mostly affected by the security challenges, the NNPC had witnessed a slump in production from a monthly average of 800,00 BPD in January 2022 to about 500,000 BPD in August 2022.
But after the mobilisation of production sharing contracts, the country’s average joint venture oil production in August – November 2022 period increased by about 190,000 barrels per day. A breakdown of the joint venture’s increase showed as of August, oil production averaged 502,759 barrels per day, which is the lowest this year.
According to the document, production rose to 521,834 BPD in September this year following the signing of the safety contract on August 13, before rising further to an average of 590,431 BPD and 668,147 BPD in October and November. The findings further suggest that gas production has been similarly impacted since the pact was signed. Specifically, before the agreement, disruptions to major arterial lines severely affected gas production and evacuations, depriving gas-fired power plants and industrial feedstock operations.
However, over the past four months, NNPC Limited has recovered an average of approximately 500 million standard cubic feet per day of gas production. This added over 230 MMSCFD to export via Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas Limited (NLNG), and an additional volume of about 205 MMSCFD for power generation and other domestic uses.
It is for these reasons that we lend our voice to the commendation from the Representatives because the country has indeed seen a significant increase in its capacity to produce hydrocarbons, which is our main foreign exchange earner. Consequently, all stakeholders in the oil and gas industry should cooperate with the government to end crude theft and pipeline sabotage.
Security personnel must apprehend and prosecute criminals involved in the despicable act. All collaborators in the NNPC, whether regulators, supervisors, or managers, should be arrested and prosecuted, as they have shown themselves to be enemies of the nation. Sadly, there are reports accusing some international oil companies (IOCs) and national oil companies (NOCs) of economic sabotage in the Niger Delta. That is why security agencies must reinforce their efforts to break off the ill. The involvement of private security is imperative.
The Niger Delta communities and their leaders should spare no efforts to combat oil theft in the region. Bunkering, sabotage of pipelines and illegal refineries are criminal acts that not only threaten Nigeria’s economic security but also damage the environment and aquatic life. This fight requires a joint effort. Therefore, youth in the region must work hand-in-hand with the Joint Task Force (JTF), giving them the support they need to neutralise the threat.
As we applaud the efforts of various security agencies working alongside existing private security arrangements, there is good reason to maintain a constant crackdown on these criminals. Affected government representatives, including security operatives involved in the ongoing war against oil thieves in the Niger Delta, should be aware that this war will not end with the mere publication of photos in the national dailies. The Federal Government must make inclusive policies, exercise stronger political will, and provide security personnel with the proper guidance to end the hazard.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.