Editorial
That FG’s Wage Review Initiative
Four years after the introduction of the National Minimum Wage (NMW) of N30,000 a month, the Federal Government has set up a monitoring team to identify states that are not implementing the salary. The Minister of Labour and Employment, Dr Chris Ngige, revealed this at the sensitisation workshop to kick-start the implementation strategy in Abuja.
Ngige also indicated that the government was working to increase workers’ allowances in the New Year without a commensurate increment in salaries in line with the current economic reality. He said a Presidential Committee on Salaries was carrying out a review of the existing salary structures and was expected to come up with salary adjustment early in 2023 to cushion the effects of the high inflation rate in the country.
According to the minister, no establishment can claim ignorance or non-involvement in reaching the collective bargaining agreement (CBA) on the national minimum wage. The minister, who was represented by his Special Assistant, Mrs Chinedu Clara Dike, insisted that ensuring compliance with the NMW Act was a sure way to ensure that workers were not short-changed and that productivity was not endangered.
The Labour Minister stated that a satisfied worker would surely contribute effectively and efficiently to the sustainability and growth of the enterprise. This, he said, would chip in national development and fewer disruptions in productivity due to industrial actions in any of its variations. He believes that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were a call to action to end poverty.
Also commenting, the Statistician General of the Federation, Prince Semiu Adeyemi Adeniran, who was represented by Adeyeye Elutade, maintained that a new minimum wage was due given that when the N30,000 minimum wage was implemented in 2019, inflation was 11.40 per cent and now inflation is 21.47 per cent (88.3 per cent increase).
For the Statistician General, the government intends to move 100 million Nigerians out of poverty in 10 years, but with the N30,000 minimum wage, it appears impossible to achieve the goal. Likewise, in 2019, the poverty level was 40 per cent as against the 63 per cent poverty level now, Adeniran pointed out.
But the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) Deputy President, Joe Ajaero, who reacted to the planned wage review in a chat with journalists, proposed a detailed meeting between all the stakeholders of the government, employers, and labour unions to review the minimum wage. Ajaero said the government must honestly consider the inflationary rates, cost of living and other factors before announcing its decision.
This move to ensure the implementation of the minimum wage across all states of the country is a most welcome development. Undoubtedly, the last wage increase has been enforced in breach in most states. And all efforts by the NLC and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) chapters in some states to secure full implementation have not yielded the required results.
Although the Federal Government’s action is commendable, we are worried that the step is coming almost late, many years after the last wage increase. We are equally concerned that this measure, arriving in the twilight of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration, may not achieve the desired result as electioneering campaigns are gathering steam and may distract the process.
Again, disclosing plans to raise workers’ pay less than six months before the end of the administration may be seen as politically motivated, and not driven by a genuine desire to advance the interest and welfare of workers. Besides, any salary increase that does not carry along relevant unions in the labour movement will not achieve its aim.
As Ajaero rightly indicated, given the skyrocketing inflation, stagnating wages and near economic meltdown, it is significant that the government does the right thing. And the proper thing is for the authorities to review wages strictly in line with the rising inflationary trend. The truth is the current wage level is far lower than expected, and cannot meet the expectations of workers.
The National Bureau of Statistics in its Consumer Price Index Report last month said inflation in Nigeria had continued to rise, hitting a new high of 21.47 per cent in November 2022. Similarly, the food inflation rate also increased to 24.13 yearly, showing a 6.92 per cent increase compared to 17.21 per cent recorded in November 2021. Most of the factors cited for the increase include importation induced by perennial currency depreciation and an increase in the cost of production and energy cost.
The World Bank recently said Nigeria might have one of the highest inflation rates globally in 2023, with increasing prices diminishing the welfare of Nigerian households. Indeed, some analysts, while projecting into the year, also predicted that the outlook for a stronger Naira against the Dollar in 2023 is bleak. This may indicate that a gloomy fortune awaits Nigerian workers this year.
Furthermore, the World Bank’s Senior Economist for Nigeria, Alex Sienaert, projects that debt service will take up 123.4 per cent of Nigeria’s revenue in 2023, adding that the expanding debt service-to-revenue ratio and the amount of Nigeria’s public debt, which will put more pressure on the local currency by 2023, are both causes for concern.
To mitigate the likely harsh effects, the pundits canvassed salary review and renegotiation of wages across the board to sustain the aggregate demands coming from workers and to strengthen their purchasing power at times like this. Of course, we think that a call for higher wages is appropriate. After all, the introduction of a new minimum wage at this time is not selfish or misplaced, especially considering the five-year lifespan of the current N30,000 coming to an end this year.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.