Editorial
Policing Emohua–Kalabari Road
The sudden resurgence of kidnapping-for-ransom incidents targeted at commuters along the Kalabari–Emohua Road is, to say the least, disquieting. No less than a few persons have fallen victim to the nefarious act. Immediate steps must be taken to curb this growing trend. Last April, some passengers travelling to the coastal communities along the road in a commercial bus were abducted and held in captivity in the kidnappers’ den.
In May, this year, the Rivers State Police Command confirmed the kidnap of two occupants of a commercial vehicle transiting along the Emohua– Kalabari Road. The state Acting Police Public Relations Officer, Grace Iringe-Koko, confirmed the incident, stating that it occurred at the same spot where a similar kidnap ensued a fortnight ago. Despite realising the consistency of the crime, the police are unable to thwart it.
Recently, a bus driver identified as Salvation Taylor Harry was gruesomely murdered, while eight passengers were abducted in an attack on a commercial bus by baleful gunmen along the same Emohua–Kalabari Road. According to reports, the bus driver had taken off from Mile One park in Port Harcourt with the passengers on a trip to Buguma when the gunmen ambushed them.
Furthermore, early this year, unknown gunmen attacked soldiers reported to be on duty on the Emohua-Kalabari Road axis, killing one soldier and injuring two others. Informed sources said the incident happened early hours of the day at the boundary bridge between Asari-Toru and Emohua. It was also learned that the gunmen ambuscaded the victims. Soon after the event, the military authorities withdrew the soldiers on security duties at that location.
Several failed attempts have been made at abducting commuters on that road. Commercial vehicle drivers navigating the route claim that the terrible state of the Emohua-Kalabari Road facilitates the operations of the kidnappers. The drivers further assert that the road has wholly lost its integrity. Since the highway is owned by the Federal Government, it must act quickly to fix the bad portions to prevent the lawlessness in the area.
Following the incessant attacks, commercial drivers plying Port Harcourt to Degema/Abonnema and Buguma at the Abali Park in Port Harcourt City Local Government Area and Choba Park in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area made good their earlier threat to catalyze non-violent action against the persistent criminality on the Emohua–Kalabari– Road.
The drivers stalled movements from Port Harcourt to communities in Degema, Asari-Toru and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas linked by the road. Residents of communities in the three local government areas who were to travel to Port Harcourt that day were also unfortunate, as they were caught in the protest with no vehicles to convey them. Some commercial drivers tried to disrupt the demonstration by returning to the road, but their vehicles were impounded.
People have always expressed fears about the absence of security on the Emohua–Kalabari Road, so much so that drivers at Port Harcourt, Choba, Abonnema and Buguma parks dread driving on the road late evenings, unlike in the past when the highway was always busy, sometimes until the next day, especially on weekends that witnessed beehives of activities.
The Emohua–Kalabari Road covers four local government areas namely; Emohua, Degema, Asari-Toru and Akuku-Toru. These four council chairmen should be able to liaise with security agencies on how to end the ugly situation. The chairmen of Degema, Asari -Toru and Akuku-Toru Local Government Areas in particular, whose people are worst hit by the activities of the hoodlums, should step up efforts to end insecurity in the affected area. They should emulate Governor Nyesom Wike who has shown capacity in that regard.
Although Nigeria’s local government council chairmen have no control over the security agencies in their territories, they head the Local Government Security Council, which is made up of all security agencies that operate within the councils. The law recognises local government chairmen as chief security officers of their localities, hence, are entitled to unaccountable monthly security votes. The four council chairmen must collaborate to end the menace.
The Rivers State Commissioner of Police, Mr Eboka Friday, must intervene now as the victims are law-abiding citizens who deserve protection from the government and law enforcement agents. Besides, they earn their legitimate earnings by making regular journeys on that route. We condemn the lackadaisical attitude of the police officers posted to provide security on the road. Rather than perform their duties, many of them extort money from commercial drivers, letting the criminals terrorising the area to operate unhindered.
These consistent kidnap occurrences on the Emohua–Kalabari Road may cause political fear mongering that perhaps may bring about poor participation in the processes leading up to the 2023 general election. In every sane clime, security has always been everyone’s responsibility. Therefore, we must all give maximum support and cooperation to the government and security agents to succeed in the endeavour. The military authorities have to reconsider their decision to permanently withdraw soldiers from the troubled spots.
The failure of security agents to respond promptly to kidnapping incidents on that road will continue to raise suspicion about their active involvement in this billion-dollar criminal enterprise. A fully equipped security outfit comprising people from the four affected councils must be established. This is more so as the Emohua campus of Rivers State University is situated along that road. There is a need for the students to be given a broad sense of safety and security while on campus to enable them to concentrate on their studies.
The Kalabari branch of the Ijaw Youth Council (IYC) should mobilise youths of the region to be involved in security obligations on the road in synergy with the Nigeria security operatives. They should be provided with the needed tools and logistics to secure that dangerous road. Politicians in the affected local government areas should empower the youths, bring them out of the creeks and engage them in the morally worthy cause of protecting their people.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.