Editorial
Task Before Peseiro

Little over a week ago, the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) announced that Portuguese born football coach, Jose Vitor dos Santos Peseiro would take charge of the Nigerian national team, Super Eagles. This announcement- cum confirmation came on the heels of recent disengagement of the coaching crew of the Super Eagles led by Coach Augustine Eguavoen and Emmanuel Amuneke.
The crew and their team had failed to qualify the country for the 2022 FIFA World Cup billed to hold in Qatar later in the year, after losing out to the Black Stars of Ghana on away goals rule in one of the final qualifying matches in the continent.
Interestingly, this would not be the first time Peseiro would be associated with the NFF and Super Eagles. The well-travelled coach was said to be as line to take over from Eguavoen immediately after the recent African Cup of Nations staged in Cameroon. After the team flattered to deceive at the continental championship, exiting in the first knockout stage, Peseiro was not to be an Eguavoen, who was in charge on interim capacity, was mandated to continue as Head-coach.
Now that the Portuguese gaffer has been handed the opportunity to lead the Super Eagles, one of the top promising sides in the continent, despite the fact that many observers see him as a failure. It is our expectation that he would hit the ground running and return performances and mood in the national team to upward swing once again.
Indeed, the curriculum vitae of Coach Peseiro looks rich with exposure and experience, having coached top football clubs and national teams across Europe, Asia, Africa and South America. His trophy cabinet is more of being half empty than half full. However, with a Degree in Physical Education/Sports Sciences top level coaching qualification and cognate coaching experiences in clubs such as Sporting Lisbon, FC Porto, Panthimaikos, Rapid Bucharest, Sporting Braga, Victoria Guimarais, Al Hilal, Al-Wahda, Al-Ahly, Cairo, Sharjah FC and Real Madrid, as well as Saudi Arabian and Venezuelan national teams, we expect that his glory count would begin with the Super Eagles.
Though the process of engagement and choice of the coach witnessed some measure of resentment from the Federal Ministry of Sports, and his contract, without stipulated duration, raises more questions than answers, there is huge expectations of Nigerians from him. The NFF in a statement had stated that Mr. Peseiro’s appointment was with immediate effect, subject to the signing of agreed terms between him and the Federation.
This is why we want the coach and his immediate employers, the NFF, to ensure that they cross all the ‘t’s and dot the ‘i’s early enough in order to ensure mutual understanding and good working relations.
It is unfortunate that the nascent Super Eagles Coach would be taking charge soon after the Qatar 2022 World Cup qualifying disappointment, coupled with low morale and anguish amongst the team and Nigerians. We, therefore, urge Peseiro to swing into action immediately and coax the team to life without delay, considering the imminent 2023 AFCON qualifying series.
The new coach will, in his official outing lead out the Super Eagles in a double-headed friendly games in a tour of the United States of America against the Mexican and Ecuadorian national teams, beginning this weekend. The Eagles will flex muscles with the EL Tri of Mexico at the AT&T Stadium in Dallas on Saturday before flying to New Jersey to confront Ecuador at the Red Bull Arena in Harrison on June 2.
These friendlies, we believe are opportunities for Peseiro to announce himself not only to Nigerians but fans of the national team all over the globe. He should see the matches beyond being mere friendlies but use them to make a bold and early statement of intent and show what he can bring to the team.
From the 2021 AFCON to the 2022 Qatar World Cup disappointments, it was obvious that what the Super Eagles lacked were neither quality nor enthusiasm, but tactical and technical edge to manouvre beyond stubborn and well organised opposition. Peseiro must show that he has really studied and understood the Super Eagles not by winning the forthcoming friendly matches, but by making statements with the overall performance of the team as a unit.
Beyond the friendly games, the new coach should be ready to identify and harness the plethora of talents within and outside Nigeria to ensure that any player invited to the national team truly deserves to don the national colours. Moreover, football fans in Nigeria follow and see the game as an elixir, a unifying factor that offers momentary escape route from the challenges of life. They will expect the coach to always deliver, while paying little or no attention to any of his handicaps or challenges.
Thus, we expect him to consult and compare notes with identified stakeholders, particularly his immediate predecessor, who is still around as the Technical Director of the NFF. In all, we demand that merit and not favouritism should be the yardstick in inviting players to camp, no matter where such player plies his trade. He must be fair and firm in his decisions as far as squad and team selections are concerned without leaving a window for manipulation from interests within and outside the NFF. We say so because at the end of the day, he will be held responsible and take the glory or otherwise of the team’s success or failure.
Beyond the Super Eagles, we think that the domestic league should feel the impact of the new coach. There should be one or two elements that we expect from him to rub off on the league apart from giving opportunities to players from the league and watching domestic matches live, from time to time.
The NFF, we also believe must pull necessary positive strings to ensure that the coach not only succeeds but leads the national team to the next level. Availing the coach a free hand and conducive atmosphere is not negotiable as well as setting out their terms of contract targets and goals from the onset.
While we agree that Coach Peseiro must earn his stripes and prove that he deserves to lead the Super Eagles of Nigeria, the NFF, other critical stakeholders and indeed, all Nigerians must not only show him support, he should be accorded all necessary assistance to lift the Super Eagles and place them on the path of glory again.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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