Editorial
Electoral Act, Making Votes Count
Since President Muhammadu Buhari assumed office as Nigeria’s President on May 29, 2015, he had gone
back and forth with the National Assembly on amendments to the crucial Electoral Act. The macabre dance finally ended when he approved 10 alterations to Nigeria’s 2010 electoral law, creating legal safeguards for more transparent voting and collation processes.
Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country, is gearing up for a high-strung general election next February, with some of its outstanding politicians already thrusting themselves into what could result in a fierce campaign season. And while that may be impressive enough, the African giant has now fastened electoral laws, raising anxieties and demonstrating that it can hold elections that are widely seen as credible for the first time in years.
This is an amazing development in a country categorised low on civil liberties, where elections are often prone to extensive vote manipulation and voter arm-twisting. Remarkably, the new emendations give the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) more decision-making powers and reserves early funding for it to avoid the incommodious technical and logistical lags that led to the rescheduling of the 2019 election which disenfranchised some voters in the end.
Perhaps, most fundamentally, the law also furnishes legal support for the use of electronic card readers for accreditation and the electronic transmission of results for collation in Section 50. This gives INEC the legal authorisation for the electronic transmission of election results, a sticking point for some politicians who believe the decrepit state of the country’s telecommunications system could hinder voting in certain areas. Hopefully, it will extensively abate the machination of Nigerian elections.
Conversely, members of civil society groups reckon that the card reader, first used in the 2015 election, aided transparency and diminished the incidence of string pulling. But the admissibility of electronic data in court had been hotly debated because of a lack of legal support for the device. The new Act goes into effect immediately, indicating that INEC can test-run the rules this year, when Osun and Ekiti States in the South-West will hold gubernatorial elections.
Following approval of the bill, President Buhari said in a televised address to Nigerians on the night it was signed that it “could have a positive impact on Nigeria’s elections”, and added that the technological innovations provided “will safeguard citizens’ constitutional right and vote effectively”. But he campaigned vigorously as a clean politician during his successful presidential bid in 2015, yet, seemed very reluctant to assent to the bill.
The President had vetoed parts of the bill, returning it to parliament five times since 2015 and making it one of the longest-debated laws in Nigeria’s history. The rejections were often accompanied by requests for amendments. In one renunciation, Buhari cited grammatical errors. On another event, he impeded until a few months to the 2019 election before contending that it was too close to D-Day to evaluate the bill.
Last December, he asked the National Assembly to lift restrictions mandating parties to hold direct primary elections, rather than hand-pick favourites of more powerful party leaders. The lawmakers acquiesced but introduced more anti-manipulation measures into the bill. For example, when they took off the mandatory direct primaries provision, they added clauses that staved off political appointees from running for office or voting during primaries without giving up their current positions. This is entrenched in Section 84(12) of the Act.
It states: “No political appointee of any rank shall be a voting representative or be voted for at any party’s convention or for the nomination of a candidate for any election.” For Buhari, this provision constitutes a denial of the right to vote or be voted for at any political party’s convention. Before endorsing the bill, the President advised the legislators to revise the provision. Interestingly,the Senate has rejected to act on the request of President Buhari for an amendment of Section 84(12) of the newly assented Act.
Importantly, Section 50 allows INEC to determine the procedure for voting at an election as well as the transmission of results, either electronically or manually. Section 51(2) empowers the Presiding Officer at a polling unit to cancel the results of the election in the polling unit where the number of vote casts surpasses the number of accredited voters in the polling units. Furthermore, the time frame for campaigns by political parties has moved from 90 days to 150 days before the election. This is according to Section 94(1).
Another provision, Section 29(1), makes it a law for political parties to conduct their primaries and submit the list of candidates at least 180 days before the general elections from the previous 60 days. The list of candidates submitted must emerge from valid primaries conducted by the political party. This provision is particularly laudable as political parties have now been compelled to prepare for an early primary election in line with the guidelines.
Section 64(9) criminalises any act of false collation and declaration of results by a returning or collation officer. If a returning or collation officer intentionally collates and announces a false result, such a person commits an offence which is liable on conviction to a fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of at least 3 years or both. In instances where INEC determines that such act was not done willingly or made contrary to the provisions of the law, regulations, guidelines, and manuals for the election, Section 65 gives the Commission the power to review such results.
INEC must be commended for making incremental improvements to the electoral system since 2015 when it first introduced the Permanent Voter Card and Smart Card Reader for elections. It has also upgraded the system to use the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, a better technology that was deployed during the off-season November 6 governorship election in Anambra State.
Nigeria is crumbling at the seams. It has been significantly weakened by its poor electoral system that allows thieves, mediocres, and incompetent politicians to attain high offices. In many instances, instead of the will of the people prevailing, it is the increasingly tainted courts that determine the fate of Nigerians. Therefore, now that the Electoral Act has been amended, all stakeholders, particularly civil society organisations and the citizens, should rise for democracy, pointing the way forward.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.