Editorial
That INEC’s Budget For 2023 Polls
The Independent National Electoral Commission’s request for N305 billion for the 2023 general elections seems repugnant to many Nigerians. According to the Chairman of INEC, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, the money was distinct from the N40 billion annual allocation of the electoral body. He indicated that while N100 billion had been issued to the commission out of the overall proposed expenditure, it would not be sufficient for adequate preparation towards 2023.
Yakubu said the requested amount would enable the electoral body to prepare for the election and procure all the necessary election materials, as well as cover several by-elections across the country. The N305 billion represents a 60.34 per cent increase over the N189 billion spent on the 2019 polls, and 153.33 per cent higher than the N120 billion expended on that of 2015. According to the schedule issued by the electoral commission, the general election will begin in February 2023.
This takes the total funding of the agency to N345 billion, an amount, we believe, similar to the proposal by the National Population Commission, may not be in sync with the country’s present economic realities. The sole distinction between the request by both agencies is that while elections must hold to evade a constitutional crisis in the country, the census can be postponed to a subsequent date, just as is being done since 2016.
In his address, the INEC chairman remarked that so far N140 billion had been made available to the electoral body. “The N140 billion was broken into two, we take it that N40 billion is our regular budget as an agency of government and N100 billion was the first tranche of the 2022 budget, and we have gone ahead to make provisions accordingly”.
We strongly think that the N305 billion called for by the electoral umpire apart from its N40 billion annual budget is very expensive and needs to be evaluated downward. This is because the dangerous economic atmosphere in Nigeria calls for restraint in the administration of resources because of contending needs.
While we call on the Federal Government to ensure satisfactory financing of INEC to enable it to plan appropriately for a hitch-free general election in 2023, it will be tantamount to fantasy and self-trickery if we fail to recognise the subtle economic climate of the nation. Nigeria’s economy is barely hanging by a thread and the requested N305 billion may not be achievable at this time.
Therefore, both the INEC and the Federal Government should adopt a keen patriotism towards the country by seeking the immediate and most appropriate solution to this risk of economic loss. Furthermore, the electoral umpire should establish a budget evaluation committee to ensure that the budget is reduced to a much more sustainable amount.
Nigerians are, undoubtedly, worried about the accelerating cost of conducting elections in the country, aggravated by so many line components we deem superfluous if things were to go as they do in organised climes. We have not seen the line items for which the commission is requesting appropriation, but would expect it to consist of security, a repository of electoral materials, and logistics for personnel, both staff and ad hoc.
The situation has not been supported by the dawdling insecurity across the nation and the do-or-die attitude of politicians that now seems fatal, owing to the absence of political resolve by the government, which came into leadership through the same process. It is a shame that Nigeria continues to conduct elections the antique way rather than adopting the electronic voting technique to appreciably curtail electoral violence, rigging, vote-buying by politicians and their associates.
We wonder, for instance, how much longer we must wait for our country to conduct polls without inhibiting movements of goods and humans and shutting down its economy in the process, or when there will be no bloodletting because some characters must take up office. We look forward to the time when Nigerians will be online to vote transparently.
Going by statistics assembled from the Appropriation Bills of 30 state governments across the country, only states like Lagos, the nation’s economic capital (N1.388 trillion), and Ogun (N350.74 billion); as well as the quartet of oil-rich Rivers (N483 billion), Akwa Ibom, N582.115 billion), Bayelsa (N311 billion), and Delta (N469.5 billion), outweigh the sum requested by INEC.
Indeed, the cost is way above the total of what is to be spent in 2022 by a combination of states like Osun (N129.7 billion), Abia (N131.8 billion), Kogi (N141.89 billion), and Ebonyi (N148.65 billion). Though the commission is introducing an advanced technology that will take care of voter registration issues, accreditation of voters, and uploading and transmission of electoral results, its efficacy remains unresolved as many of the devices malfunctioned in the Anambra poll.
Since the requested amount has been approved, INEC must ensure that the country gets the best. Although we are asking Yakubu and his team to set a template for free votes, we are not unaware of the dishonesty of politicians in their elements. These are, undeniably, age-long and the INEC boss must explore means of checkmating electoral crooks and begin to measure his performance by the number of elections he conducts which go undisputed before the courts.
But we are also concerned about the position of other organisations that associate with the electoral umpire, such as security agents who play reciprocal roles. We believe that everyone would understand the significance of this year as an electoral year. The Federal Government should equally release sufficient funds to all organisations that play a key part in the electoral process.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.