Editorial
Enforcing Rivers’ Anti-Open Grazing Law
Many states in the South of the country did not meet the September 1, 2021 deadline agreed upon by their governors to enact anti-open grazing laws in their respective states. This has drastically decompressed the urgency of the legal instrument which the governors accepted to employ to protect their people, their livelihood and make the entire region safer.
The governors of the 17 states in the Southern region of the country had set a deadline during their July 5 meeting in Lagos that followed the announcement of a full ban on open grazing at the previous May 12 meeting in Asaba, the capital of Delta State. This decision was deemed necessary after several unsuccessful attempts to address the threat of outdoor grazing in the South and the insecurity it generates.
In a resolution after the governors’ meeting, the forum explained the rationale behind the ban on open grazing, and stated that, “development and population growth have put pressure on available land and increased the prospects of conflict between migrating herders and local populations in the South. Given this scenario, it becomes imperative to enforce the ban on open grazing in the South, including cattle movement to the South by foot.”
Unfortunately, at the end of the September 1 deadline, only Bayelsa, Ondo, and Rivers States enacted anti-open grazing laws. During the tenure of AyodeleFayose, its immediate past governor, Ekiti State had already promulgated a law banning open cattle grazing. A similar law was legislated in Oyo State shortly after SeyiMakinde became governor. Other states may have sent the bill without corresponding follow-up.
Governors who have not enacted the law must act quickly as it is the surest means to protect their people from rampaging herdsmen. Rhetoric and grandstanding cannot prevent these killer-herders whose wanton campaigns of destruction of farms and kidnappings across the Southern states are without bounds.
Herdsmen have been on rampage, destroying and killing people in many states. Following this precarious situation, there has been a burning question as to whether or not the menace of the herdsmen can be classified as terrorism.
However, herders have been named the fourth deadliest known terrorist group operating in Nigeria and parts of the Central African Republic.
Herders’ violence was rated six times more deadly than the Boko Haram insurgency. The destruction and bloodshed have been going on for a long time, and the governors have the responsibility to find emergency solutions since they always swiftly maintain their status as the chief security officers of their respective states.
These terrorist organisations continue to gain a foothold in the South by forming evil alliances with murderous herders, resulting in a high degree of insecurity, particularly in the South-West. Killer-herdsmen live in government forest reserves without authorisation, and criminals use them as hiding places to commit crimes, especially murder and kidnappings for ransom.
Acting to check the trend in line with his constitutional responsibility to protect lives and property and in keeping with the resolution reached by the Southern governors to enact anti-open grazing laws in their states by September 1, Rivers State Governor, Chief Nyesom Wike, on August 19, signed the Open Rearing and Grazing Prohibition Law No. 5 of 2021 of Rivers State. This meant the activation of enforcement of the state ban on open grazing.
Signing the bill into law, the governor said it was inimical to development and peace for any state to condone open grazing of cattle. “It is no longer a story. All of us know what our people have suffered in terms of this open grazing. Today, all Nigerians have come to accept the reality that open grazing is no longer fashionable. Even our brothers in the North have agreed that it is no longer fashionable,” Wike emphasised.
The law is divided into four parts. The first part deals with its objectives; that is what the law intends to achieve. The second part is about the establishment of ranches and issuance of ranching permit. The third is on the prohibition of open rearing and grazing of livestock offences and penalties, while the final part has miscellaneous provisions, including power to arrest, detain and impound trespassing livestock and the jurisdiction of the court to try offenders.
In summary, the law stipulates that no person is allowed to openly graze livestock in Rivers State, except within the confines of a ranch. And to establish a ranch, such a person must apply to the state committee for approval. And that committee having regard to the guidelines it is going to issue, may or may not issue approval to establish a ranch.
With the law now in force, open rearing or grazing of livestock in Rivers State is prohibited and criminalised. Therefore, there is an urgent need to meet with herders in the state to sensitise them on the new law to forestall likely claims of ignorance of it. Anyone seen violating the law after the enlightenment should be immediately apprehended and prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others.
It should, however, not be only about promulgating a law to establish order, but for the Rivers State Government to rigorously enforce it to curtail the excesses of the marauding herders. Governor Wike should empower security agencies in the state and possibly set up a task force to enforce this law to the letter. It must not be reduced to a mere paper tiger based on their lethargy. The ordinance demands a resolute political will to be effective.
Rivers people, including the traditional institution in the state must complement government’s efforts by watching out for violators, especially those who would place their personal or political ambitions above the dignity and safety of their people by paying lip service to the realisation of this law. Southern leaders must take all legal measures to protect the integrity of the land and the lives and property of the people.
This is the only way to tame the menace of arm-bearing herders and their likes, whose stock in trade has been to constitute nuisance on roads and streets, and deprive farmers the joy of their hard labour and contributions to ensure food sufficiency and security in their communities, states and the entire country. All hands must be on deck to support the government’s efforts to protect our people in the communities from invading herders.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.