Editorial
Task Before Amaewhule’s Committee
Port Harcourt, the Rivers State capital, experienced a major shaking on Monday, August 26, 2019 as the Bright Amaewhule-led Task Force on Street Trading, Illegal Markets and Motor Parks commenced its operations.
Reports on day one of the task to rid one of Nigeria’s most popular cosmopolitan towns of the nuisance constituted by some recalcitrant residents indicate that the exercise was hugely successful around the Mile I, Ikoku and Mile III axis while it was expectedly resisted in some other parts.
While the mixed fortunes recorded by the committee are not unexpected, The Tide wishes to sound it clear, very early in the day, that it must not be discouraged nor dissuaded by any circumstances, situations or considerations thrown up by any persons or groups from achieving set objectives. The fact needs to be appreciated that consistency is a key ingredient in attitudinal change and behavioural adjustment. Therefore, the committee must be fully prepared for a long haul in the task of cleaning up not only Port Harcourt, but the state at large.
Governor Nyesom Wike has so far left no stone unturned in his determination to restore order and give the residents of the Rivers State capital especially, and the rest of the state in general, a fresh lease of life economically, socially and environmentally through the delivery of strategic projects, programmes and policies. To this end, the state chief executive has demonstrated sufficient political will in his avowed commitment to restore the lost glory of Port Harcourt as the Garden City of Nigeria, and possibly move it to a higher level of cleanliness, orderliness and aesthetic pleasantness.
The painstaking mythological approach, vis the legal framework, selection of personnel, and provision of adequate required logistics for the work, adopted by the governor in arriving at the eventual take-off of the committee’s work, and the personal monitoring of the exercise on the kick-off date, clearly show that he expects nothing short of success in this endeavour this time around in contradistinction to previous attempts.
The committee, therefore, must match His Excellency’s zeal and commitment and reciprocate his confidence by achieving desired result not only to justify the members’ engagement but also take fulfilment as those who rose up to the occasion of rendering quality service in the state’s quest to be counted among cities that are raising their profile in orderliness such as Lagos and Abuja in Nigeria and their contemporaries across the world.
To achieve this laudable objective, the committee must take Governor Wike’s warning against accepting bribes in order to compromise their assignment to heart. The resolve to adhere strictly to the terms of reference and the commitment to achieving the set target must be total. Deliberate care must be taken to avoid the ignominy that befell such agencies as the defunct TIMARIV which got proscribed for constituting itself into a scourge rather than the agent of an easier socio-economic life for the people that it was conceived and launched to deliver.
In applying the law, the committee must be fair to all and treat everyone equally, taking into cognizance the imperative to treat the human person with dignity and respect at all times and in all situations and circumstances. The era of rough handling and subjecting offenders to dehumanising treatments by persons acting on behalf of the state and local governments, should be gone for good. Such practices have proven to be counter-productive as they send negative signals to investors and ultimately hurt economic and social development efforts of the government.
In appreciating, commending and encouraging the Rivers State Government for the spirited efforts made so far, it will not be out of place to impress on it not to relent but to maintain the tempo needed for success in this venture. Constant monitoring and evaluation of the job of the committee with a view to ensuring strict compliance with its mandate and smooth operation is strongly advised.
The Tide reiterates the submission of Governor Wike when he said “All of us love the state and we must love it fully; not in half measures”. One cardinal way of expressing love for Rivers State, and Port Harcourt in particular, is for one and all residents of the city to wholeheartedly support the work of this all-important committee and to make its job easier by giving it full cooperation.
There is no gainsaying the fact that residents cannot complain in one breadth about government’s slow or sometimes inadequate response to challenges such as flooding, dirty environment and traffic gridlock in the city while in the other breadth disposing waste indiscriminately, stuffing drains recklessly, disregarding and violating traffic rules and regulations, and such other extant laws intended to provide conductive environment and atmosphere for comfortable and convenient living.
Residents of Port Harcourt and Rivers State in general must, therefore, have a change of attitude towards the environment and take responsibility for the desired serene, clean, spacious and free flowing, beautiful and well-organised city they wish to see. In concert with the government, individual residents must see themselves as officers of the law of environmental safety and appropriate sanitary regulations.
Finally, The Tide notes that the Rivers State Task Force on Street Trading, Illegal Markets and Motor Parks would be on a wild goose chase without a corresponding and complementary effort from the Rivers State Waste Management Agency (RIWAMA) – which needs to be made to see the need to rise up to its duties, efficiently and effectively.
Port Harcourt must be restored to its Garden City status now or never.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.