Editorial
Kofi Atta Annan (1938-2018)
According to British legendary writer, William Shakespeare, death is a necessary end, it will come when it will come.
For Kofi Atta Annan, the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations, death came knocking in a most treacherous manner on August 18, 2018, without sounding a warning note.
But the most interesting aspect of the life of this quintessential African diplomat is the fact that he dedicated his life to the service of humanity, having bestrode the world stage with dignity, finesse, admirable restraint and wisdom as an intellectual colossus.
By sheer dint of hard work and uncommon commitment, Annan rose to the pinnacle of global politics and urguably became the number one citizen and public administrator of the world. But, that is not all about his life story.
Kofi Annan was a Ghanaian diplomat, who served as the Secretary-General of the United Nations from January, 1997 to December, 2006. Annan and the United Nations were co-recipients of the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize, owing to his immense contributions towards global peace. He was the founder and Chairman of the Kofi Annan Foundation as well as Chairman of The Elders, an international organisation founded by former South African President, Nelson Mandela.
Born on April 8, 1938 in Kumasi in the Gold Coast, today’s Ghana, Annan studied Economics in 1958 at the Kumasi College of Science and Technology, now the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. By virtue of a Ford Foundation grant, he was able to complete his undergraduate studies in Economics at Macalester College in the United States in 1961.
Kofi Annan equally obtained a DEA Degree in International Relations at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. However, after some years of work experience, he got a Master’s Degree in Management at the MIT Sloan School of Management between 1971 and 1972.
In 1962, Kofi Annan started working as a budget officer for the World Health Organisation (WHO), an agency of the United Nations. He also worked as a manager of the state-owned Ghana Tourist Development Company in Accra in 1980. He became the head of personnel for the office of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in Geneva. He was later appointed the director of administrative management services of the United Nations Secretariat in New York in 1983.
Besides, he also worked in several capacities at the UN headquarters in New York, including serving as the Under-Secretary General for peace keeping between March, 1992 and December, 1996.
He was elected the UN Secretary-General on December 13, 1996 by the Security Council and later confirmed by the General Assembly, thus, making him the first office holder to be so elected from the staff of the United Nations itself. He succeeded Boutros Boutros-Ghali of Egypt as the second African to head the UN.
Annan was re-elected for a second term in 2001 and was succeeded in January, 2007 by Ban Ki-moon. Indeed, Kofi Annan’s life revolved around service and hard work, particularly at the United Nations.
Little wonder, then, the incumbent UN Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres said, in a tribute, that Annan, the second African to occupy the top seat of the global body was United Nations itself.
As the number one public administrator in the world, Kofi Annan gave the global community the best, ever known by an African through his diplomatic finesse, dexterity and administrative engineering in global politics.
As Secretary-General, Annan reformed the United Nations’ bureaucracy, worked to combat the HIV/AIDS pandemic, especially in Africa and equally launched the UN Global Compact. He was the initiator of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), aimed at addressing the dehumanising poverty in which over one billion people are currently enmeshed all over the world.
After his stewardship, he founded in 2007 the Kofi Annan Foundation, with headquarters in Geneva to continue his humanitarian work across the globe. In 2012, Annan was the UN Arab League Joint Special Representative for Syria to help find a lasting resolution to the Syrian crisis, a position he resigned owing to UN’s lack of progress due mainly to the antics of some major powers. He was later appointed to lead a UN Commission to investigate the Rolingya refugee crisis.
As a writer aptly pointed out, “Annan was a Nobel Laureate whose accomplishments put him shoulders and head above his peers anywhere in the world”. He was a highly respected moral authority and voice, who spoke to African leaders as nobody else dared to do.
Kofi Annan was first married to a Nigerian, Titi Alakija, who, he later divorced before marrying Nane Lagergren of Switzerland. He is survived by three children including Kojo Annan, his first son. He lost his twin sister, Efua Atta to the cold hands of death in 1991. Annan was fluent in English, French and other African languages.
While The Tide joins the rest of the world to mourn this global icon, Africa, the entire black race and, indeed, the global community will continue to cherish and remember him for his meritorious services to humanity.
Adieu, Annan, Adieu, great one!
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.