Editorial
That Amnesty Call For Boko Haram
A few weeks ago, the Sultan of Sokoto and leader of the Islamic faithful in Nigeria, Alhaji Abubakar Sa’ad 111, called on the Federal Government to grant amnesty to members of the fundamentalist Islamic sect, Boko Haram, as a veritable means of restoring peace and checking the mindless killings, through senseless bombings and destruction of valuable properties in the country, especially in the North.
While advocating a re-think by government on the issue to save the economy of the North from imminent collapse, the Sultan said that amnesty for Boko Haram was the only option available to check the spiralling orgy of violence in the land.
Although the Sultan’s call was a complete departure from his earlier stance on the sect’s despilable modus operandi, the groundswell of support for amnesty for Boko Haram, especially from among northern leaders and activists, has continued to mount with a likely harsh judgement on the Jonathan Presidency should it turn deaf ear to the calls.
Even so, many Nigerians, particularly the millions of peace-loving Christians, under the aegis of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), remain critically opposed to any attempt to grant amnesty to persons who remain unrepentant in campaigns to impose a single religion in the land. In fact, rather than abate, the murderous atrocities and negative impact of Boko Haram terror activities have increased in leaps and bounds, decimating the very fundamentals of our existence as a federation. More worrisome is the fact that the sect’s ideology and aims still seem farce, abstract and unintelligibly articulated on the tripod of: Islamising Nigeria and institutionalising Sharia as a form of government in place of a secular society governed by democratically formulated constitutional laws and government; and abolishing western education and in its place, implementing an education policy based on Sharia and Islamic religious culture.
In spite of all these, the Federal Government had, on several occasions, expressed the willingness to dialogue with the group, if its leadership would be willing to unmask, pronounce ceasefire and return to the negotiating table. As a government that has shown commitment to promoting peace and security of its citizens, the Jonathan Administration, we think, had shown, through its actions and utterances, that it had the political will and good heart to forgive, and graciously create a platform that could reintegrate the aggrieved armed insurgents in the North into the Nigerian Project.
We recall a time when the Jihadist fighters named some prominent northern leaders, including former military Head of State, Gen Muhammadu Buhari, among others, to lead their team of negotiators with government, and suggested Saudi Arabia as preferred venue for the dialogue but has yet to hold because, all on the Boko Haram side failed to keep a date with government to resolve the challenge.
Only penultimate Thursday, following pressure from northern leaders, President Jonathan set up a committee to, among others, consider the propriety or otherwise of granting amnesty to the violent sect; collate requests arising from the different groups asking Federal Government for amnesty for Boko Haram; and recommend modalities for granting amnesty in case it becomes imperative, with a mandate to complete their work in two weeks. But barely 48 hours later, the sect allegedly said it was not accepting any amnesty offer from the Federal Government, saying it did not recognise the Nigerian government.
While The Tide is not particularly against any measure by the Federal Government or any of its agencies or institutions to usher in enduring peace and security in the nation, including considering amnesty to Boko Haram since its members are also bonafide Nigerians, we strongly hold that ceasefire and true repentance should precede forgiveness, pardon or amnesty from the government.
Besides, Boko Haram still remains clandestine in outlook, and neck deep in a covert warfare of annihilation, ethnic cleansing and genocide. And to propose amnesty to such a faceless flock, still indoctrinated in the principle that every human action must be guided by the dictates of Islamic hegemony, and view people of other faiths as animals and enemies that must be crushed and exterminated is to submit to eternal reign of insecurity, terror, anarchy and more deaths.
Boko Haram has neither requested for amnesty nor indicated its willingness to enter into any meaningful dialogue with either the federal or specific state governments within their areas of operation. In fact, the sect has not shown any intention to negotiate its belief and mission in Nigeria, and has also not seen Nigerians of other religions as brothers and sisters, whom they should live with side-by-side in a federation under a democratic government.
This is why we see the campaign for amnesty by some northern leaders as diversionary, unpatriotic and selfish. We expect such advocates to intervene and seek possible ways of proffering solutions, rather than remain busy in defence of evil by alluding to lack of jobs, poverty, ignorance and corruption as the main triggers of the conflagration. We expect the elite, religious leaders, and indeed, the political class in the North to step out and help identify the leaders of Boko Haram, and persuade them to ceasefire and enter into meaningful dialogue with government as a means of resolving the crisis.
Unless these are done, we oppose very strongely any attempt to negotiate and or grant amnesty to Boko Haram, because their activities cannot be likened to the Niger Delta struggle, and eventual amnesty now being peddled as soothing example. In the circumstance, therefore, we suggest that any repentant Boko Haram fighter should be encouraged to key into the many youth empowerment schemes of government, non-government organisations and corporate bodies to enable them fit into the wider Nigerian society.
Negotiating with or granting amnesty to Boko Haram can not be done in a vacuum. Governments are not run in such manner. Therefore, Boko Haram must be contained by any means possible. This is our stand!
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.