Editorial
Checking Terror Attacks: A Welcome Breather
Considering the seemingly intractable nature of terror-based attacks on the Nigeria State and the debatable helplessness of security structure in the land last year, it is indeed a breath of fresh air to hear that an end to the spate of insecurity may soon be near. Coming from two Presidents and Commanders-In-Chief, the assurances indeed require considering.
Speaking at two different fora last Sunday in both Abuja and Abeakuta, President Goodluck Jonathan and former President Olusegun Obasanjo respectively, for the first time struck same cord on national security when they separately averred that the Federal Government was gradually winning the war against terror in the land.
While Jonathan used the serenity of a Christian place of worship to express his optimism, Obasanjo chose a peace meeting among the four sectional traditional rulers in Egbaland, in Abeokuta.
At a church service in Abuja, last Sunday, President Jonathan assured Nigerians of a safer Nigeria this year, and reiterated government’s determination to effectively curtail terrorist attacks by the Islamist extremist group Boko Haram. On his part, former President Obasanjo before Egba Natural rulers expressed optimism that Nigeria would soon overcome all the security challenges currently confronting her.
Giving specifics at a church service at the Ekklisiya Yaruma Nigeria (EYN-Church of the Brethren of Nigeria), Utako, Abuja, President Jonathan told worshippers that the Federal Government had not only changed strategy on the anti-terror war, but that it had also introduced fresh measures to curtail attacks by the Islamist sect. Although he did not elaborate further, the President declared that the fresh measures had started yielding the desired results and assured that government would do everything possible to ensure that the activities of Boko Haram did not cause inertia in governance in 2013.
“Boko Haram planned to carry out a lot of attacks on Christmas Day, but we suppressed their plans during the Christmas holidays and most of their plans were not executed because of the strategies put in place by the security agencies, which aborted the efforts.
“Although we still recorded some incidents, the extent of attacks which they had planned, we did not allow them to execute them,” the President stated.
These views were later corroborated by Information and Communication Minister, Labaran Maku, who, in a media chat on National radio, revealed that many leaders of the Boko Haram terror group, had either been arrested or killed. But understandably, considering the sensitive nature of national security, the minster did not give further specifics as to the identity of the terrorists or government’s fresh plans to curtail their activities.
However, considering the fearful and systemic nature of terrorist siege on Nigeria that has claimed more than 3,000 lives and property worth billions of naira, such fresh assurances on success of war on terror should naturally be taken with a pinch of salt. After all, many would argue, worse attacks had taken place after similar assurances by highly placed Nigerians and indeed government officials, on improved security.
This is indeed why the Federal Government must let Nigerians see the most recent assurance as indeed different from the rest before it. Whatever fresh strategies now introduced and believed to be paying-off must not only be sustained but be expanded to make terrorism an unfashionable past-time, to avoid the imminent inertia we fear.
The Federal Government needs not be reminded that one of its primary responsibilities to the citizenry, is the protection of lives and property, without which any administration, be it state’s or local government’s loses its legitimacy in governance. Last year unfortunately, the Boko Haram siege nearly succeeded in implanting such question on the minds of the people.
This is why The Tide considers the recent reassurance of a safer Nigeria in 2013 as a fresh challenge not only to government but also to the citizenry alike. To secure a nation, it requires a vigilant citizenry, a proactive government and a reliable security system to succeed.
Without doubt, the consistent terror attacks of last year depicted the lack of such imperatives, their short supply and or the absence of a dependable intelligence mechanism required to nip in the bud, such near frequent attacks. This is why the people must be involved in the new war on terror while the security establishments must work harder to earn the confidence and support of the ordinary Nigerian.
It is when both government and the governed together, appreciate the extent of the danger the nation faces and jointly tackle such mutual threat, that the war on terror can be won. One way to achieve that is continuous sensitisation of the citizenry and improved communication.
Even so, judging by the relative peace enjoyed during the Christmas season, The Tide shares the optimism expressed by the government but will insist that broader and more extensive policing be institutionalised in a manner that not only totally prevents terror-based attacks but also checks the increasing spate of criminality in the country. That is the only way to make any meaning out of the fresh assurances given by the Federal Government in securing of lives and property in 2013 and beyond.
While The Tide commends the various security establishments for the modest success recorded during the festivities in ensuring safety of lives and property we find it equally instructive to further challenge them to do even more if Nigeria will truly be safer as promised.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.