Editorial
Flooding: The Way Forward
The magnitude of the havoc caused by the current devastating
floods in parts of the country is better imagined than experienced. According
to reports, about 200 lives have been lost, property worth millions of Naira
damaged, millions of Nigerians displaced, while the disaster is far from over.
The impact of the flood is such that in Rivers State alone
more than 164 communities in three local government areas; Ahoada East, Ahoada
West, and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni have been ravaged, while a whooping 830,000 people
have been rendered homeless. Yet, with predictions of more rains, fear now
spreads through the deltaic communities, where, the rise in water level can be
more disastrous.
This is why it came to many as a huge surprise that in its
attempt to address the situation in various states, Rivers was categorized
under ‘C’ rating, while states like Oyo, Benue, Kogi, Plateau, Adamawa, Delta,
Bayelsa and Anambra are in category ‘A’ and Jigawa, Kano, Bauchi, Kaduna,
Niger, Nasarawa, Cross River, Taraba, Imo, Lagos and Edo are in category ‘B’.
As part of the Federal government’s rehabilitation
programme, President Goodluck Jonathan had ordered the release of N17.6 bn to
states; with category ‘A’ states entitled to N500 million cash support,
category ‘B’ N400 million, category ‘C’ N300 million and category ‘D’ N250
million. With the magnitude of loss already suffered by the state and still
counting, it remains fuggy what yardsticks were originally used to categorise
the various states, and in particular Rivers.
This is why, while commending the Federal Government for its
proactive steps thus far taken, The Tide thinks the categorization of states
according to magnitude of devastation ought to be reviewed to reflect the true
state of things. We agree with the Rivers State House of Assembly that such
categorization would have been germaine after a thorough survey of affected
states and communities and not be based on media accounts.
We are optimistic that that wrong will, without doubt be
righted, after President Goodluck Jonathan’s tour of flood ravaged parts of the
state at the weekend with a view to not only seeing things for himself but also
to empathise with the people and bring them hope for a better future.
Even so, we are happy that both the Federal Government and
States affected have rolled out impressive intervention aimed at bringing
succour to the people. Camps have been set up while food and clothing are being
arranged for the millions of those internally displaced persons. But the scope
and quality of care can be better.
We hope that the precautionary steps taken by the States,
particularly, the Rivers Government will mitigate further upsurge of the
ravaging flood. It is commendable that government embarked on desilting and
expanding of existing drainages in and around Port Harcourt, following NIMET warning.
But the current outcome has shown that the timing and direction of natural
disaster such as this, is to a large degree, beyond human prediction.
As a follow up the River State Government raised a 12-man
Rehabilitation Committee headed by the Deputy Governor, Tele Ikuru. The flood
response committee has already started to superintend over the provision of
camps in affected areas and ensure the provision of food, medical treatment and
adequate drinking water to victims. In fact, some of the model primary schools
built by the present administration in the state, that have not been put to
use, would serve as relief centres for displaced victims.
On its part, the Federal government, in addition to the
N17.6bn, raised a committee of eminent citizens last Tuesday to help raise more
funds for flood victims. The Committee on Food, Relief and Rehabilitation is
expected to work in tandem with government to provide urgent relief for flood
victims. Frontline business mogul, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, who is co-chairman of
the committee, with rights activist, Olisa Agbakoba, had already donated N430m
to some flood victims. Chairman of Globacom, Dr. Mike Adenuga (Jnr.) is Chief
Fund Mobiliser on the committee, among others.
However, national attention needs to be drawn to the unique
terrain of the Niger Delta region that is already known to lie below sea level.
This could be done through adequate shore protection and canalisation projects.
To prevent coastal communities from being washed away, government should ensure
the construction of drainage network in every community as well as ensure the
clearing of natural water paths.
Also, this disaster has without doubt, shown the need for better use of ecological funds paid to the
states every month. But agencies like the Federal Inland Waterways do not need
any further push to clear the creeks and rivers of impediments, like vessels
destroyed during the Nigerian Civil war. Similarly, governments cannot set up
emergency management agencies and fail to equip them enough to meet the needs
of Nigerians, in times of need.
More urgently, the Federal government should reconsider its
categorization of flood ravaged states as the last report did not aptly reflect
Rivers State’s measure of devastation. That way, the woes of the displaced many
would not be under-valued, hence under-addressed.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.