Editorial
That Tanker Drivers’ Protest
Tanker drivers under the aegis of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) last week blocked the Rumuolumeni area of Port Harcourt with their tankers and paralysed economic activities in the area for two days. It was a situation most unfortunate.
The drivers were said to be protesting the alleged brutalisation of one of their members by the police over an alleged traffic offence. In addition to beating the driver to stupor, the police according to the protesters, also deflated all the tyres of the truck and caused traffic jam on the road that was in itself a challenge lately.
Meanwhile, the offence of the tanker driver was that he failed to make way for the police van that was driving against the traffic to escort an expatriate. In order to impress the expatriate, the police totally dehumanised a fellow Nigerian who committed no crime.
While we have no reason to hold brief for the tanker driver, it is common knowledge that trucks do not easily manoeuvre, especially on the kind of road that the Rumuolumeni Road has become. Indeed, any hasty decision by the truck driver can result in terrible consequence.
Even if the police fail to recognise this basic fact, they should not have been quick to present themselves as the accuser, judge and the executioner in their own matter. Indeed, the situation where the police are all too often becoming part of the problem instead of the solution is un-becoming.
The failure of the police to come to terms with their roles can no longer be accepted as a mistake of the head. Indeed, the failure to protect the whole society and choosing to provide security for individuals, who pay them is indeed worrisome. This in itself is a major security breach. There is no telling if criminals could not also hire them for the same special protection.
Similarly, the issue of abuse of traffic rules can no longer be condoned even by the police. Government has out-lawed it, but some police officers continue to drive against the traffic with reckless abandon. They also abuse the use of siren, such that even a mechanic in fair skin who may not be in any hurry is provided a siren escort.
Indeed, the hurry to molest, harass and extort money from harmless civilians is capable of making the police enemy of the people they are paid to protect. Instead, some police officers readily see every person as a criminal.
We take exception to this incessant and unwarranted brutalisation, molestation and intimidation of law-abiding citizens by men of the Nigeria Police Force. Their duty actually is to protect lives and property of citizens and not the other way round.
The constitution of the country clearly guarantees the fundamental human rights of everyone, and clearly outlines the responsibility and limitation of the police. It is high time police attention was drawn to these provisions and challenge their leaders to ensure compliance. Those who are sustained with tax payers money must serve society properly.
It is sad that whereas Nigeria transited to democracy years ago, the police seem not to have changed. They have instead continued with the military orientation of the past, thus, raising very disturbing questions over the ability of the police top brass and high command to lead aright, the officers and other ranks.
Because of the flagrant abuse of the privileges of the police, a whole section of the state capital was grounded. While it lasted, no car went in or out even tri-cycles could not access the road. Of course children did not go to school, most workers either trekked or went through the river. What became of the fate of those with health emergencies can be best imagined.
That is why we think that the tanker drivers also took laws into their own hands. That, one of their members was manhandled was not reason enough for them to compromise the safety of thousands of innocent people and indeed the peace of the city. This primitive response to simple matters must stop.
Also, the attitude of truck drivers has become a source of concern on the road. They too intimidate smaller cars and often cause accidents. In fact, the violation of the order for heavy duty vehicles to operate only at nights is another challenge that the authorities must do something about.
While we hope that all the people who played roles in that unfortunate situation in Rumuolumeni traffic saga would ensure that it does not happen again, the police must be brought under the law. That escort team must be brought to book as a deterrent to other officers who may be carried away by the influence of the gun they carry.
Government must come up with ways to ensure that nobody drives against the traffic or abuse the siren and goes unpunished. The act of criminalising the people even when the police break the law as evident in the case in point is most condemnable.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
-
News3 days agoFour Internet Fraudsters Get Jail Sentences In PH
-
Sports3 days ago
President Federation Cup: Sanwo-Olu, Abdulrazaq Set To Grace Grand Finale
-
News2 days ago
Immigration Plays Strategic Role In Nation Building -Worika
-
Rivers3 days ago
FIDA, PCRC Train Police On Paralegal Cases
-
Women2 days ago
How Women Can Manage Issues In Marriage
-
News3 days agoSenate Confirms Odey As RISEIC Chairman
-
Sports3 days ago
‘Ofili Still Representing Nigeria’
-
News2 days agoCourt Arraigns Rivers Traditional Ruler Over Impersonation, Other Charges