Editorial
UNEP Report And Fate Of N’Delta
Penultimate Thursday, the long-awaited first-ever independent scientific environmental impact assessment report of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the Presidential Implementation Committee (PIC) created to oversee the environmental survey and clean-up of Ogoniland, was submitted to President Goodluck Jonathan in Abuja. The study, commissioned by the Federal Government in late 2006 is the offshoot of the recommendations of the Rev Father Matthew Hassan Kukah-led Ogoni Reconciliation Committee (ORC) set up in 2005.
Presenting the report to President Jonathan, UNEP Director, Ibrahim Thiaw, said the assessment, which was carried out over a period of 14 months, examined more than 200 locations, surveyed 122 kilometres of pipeline rights of way, reviewed more than 5,000 medical records and engaged over 23,000 people at local community meetings.
The report details soil and groundwater contamination investigations conducted at 69 sites, which ranged from 1,300 square metres of land stretching from B-Dere and K-Dere in Gokana Local Government Area to 79 hectares of land in Ajeokpori-Akpajo in Eleme Local Government Area of Rivers State.
Mr Thiaw said that more than 4,000 samples were analysed, including water taken from 142 groundwater monitoring wells drilled specifically for the study and soil extracted from 780 boreholes.
According to the report, “some areas, which appear unaffected at the surface, are in reality severely contaminated underground and action to protect human health and reduce the risks to affected communities should occur without delay,” adding that, “in at least 10 Ogoni communities, where drinking water is contaminated with high levels of hydrocarbons, public health is seriously threatened.”
It indicated that drinking water from wells in most communities in Ogoni are contaminated with benzene – a known carcinogen – at levels over 900 times above World Health Organisation (WHO) guidelines, stressing that UNEP scientists, in most cases, found 8cm-layer of refined oil floating on the groundwater which serves the wells.
The UNEP report estimates that countering and cleaning up the more than 50 years of pollution and catalysing a sustainable recovery of Ogoniland could take between 25 to 30 years. It also said that all sources of ongoing contamination must be brought to an end before the clean-up of the creeks, sediments and mangroves can begin.
According to the report, the work will require the deployment of modern technology to clean up contaminated land and water, improved environmental monitoring and regulation and collaborative action between the government, the Ogoni people and the oil industry.
The UNEP suggested the establishment of Ogoniland Environmental Restoration Authority to oversee the comprehensive implementation of the study’s recommendations; Environmental Restoration Fund for Ogoniland, with an initial capital injection of $1billion (about N150billion) contributed jointly by the oil industry and the government to be used to start the clean-up work, and an Integrated Contaminated Soil Management Centre expected to employ hundreds of people, with a centre of excellence for environmental restoration which will provide training and promote shared learning in environmental monitoring and restoration.
Responding, President Jonathan thanked the Ogoni people for cooperating with the UNEP team to complete their assessment, and expressed delight at the comprehensive nature of the work done. He said the report would not only help to solve the problems of Ogoniland, but that of any other part of the country where oil spillage has occurred.
“The UN has been in places where we have civil war, and I think the environmental challenges we have are as severe as civil wars are. Environmental challenges and environmental pollution are probably even more critical because pollutants can migrate to any direction that you don’t even expect. So I believe that UNEP, in addition to helping us to conduct this study, should also see how they can assist us to solve this major problem that we have,” he said.
“Let me assure you that we are not just going to put this report in our drawer and lock it up. We are going to act on it ,” Jonathan added.
The Tide joins Mr President and other well-meaning Nigerians, especially the vibrant rights groups, to commend UNEP for churning out a thorough work on the despoliation of Ogoniland and for recommending international best standards and strategies for the clean-up and restoration of the devastated environment. We also laud the UN body for volunteering to assist in the clean-up and remediation efforts.
While we challenge President Jonathan not just “to act on it”, we insist that the Federal Government should ensure the immediate implementation of all recommendations in the UNEP report. The Tide also demands that adequate compensation in line with acceptable international standards and best practices be paid to Ogoni people through massive investments in sustainable physical infrastructure and capacity building to consummate long years of neglect and bridge the yawning gap in overall development.
Although we accept that no amount of compensation can mitigate the huge loss in human and material resources suffered by the Ogonis, we still think that the people deserve part of the more than £30billion (some N8.040trillion) extracted from the area as revenue by oil companies. We reckon that only such step would assuage the pains of the living and serve as atonement for the spirits of the dead as a result of the struggle.
The Tide agrees that if implemented, this would be the largest and longest clean-up and restoration operation in oil industry history. This is why we insist that the new record would not be complete without a similar comprehensive scientific study of the entire Niger Delta. We, therefore, task the Federal Government not to hesitate to commission UNEP to extend its independent survey across all oil-bearing communities in the region.
We say so because what UNEP has discovered in Ogoni could be the same, if not better than most other communities in the region where oil exploration and production activities are still brazenly going on, with more bizarre environmental devastation and serious health consequences. The UNEP report has only vindicated the agitation of the people over the years, and supports their fears that unmitigated oil exploration and production pose irredeemable threat to the lives of the present and future generations.
Both the Federal Government and the oil industry should see the estimated $100billion (about N15trillion) clean-up cost of the region as the price they must inevitably pay aside the accompanying cost of compensation and development projects. And the time to face it is now. They must therefore muster the will and do the right thing before the bomb explodes.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.