Editorial
FG And Security Challenges
Since the last four months, the security situation in the country, especially in the North Eastern part, has been a serious cause for concern to many law-abiding Nigerians. Indeed, the spectre of bomb blasts and attacks on innocent Nigerians, resulting in colossal loss of lives, maiming, as well as destruction of property worth millions of Naira, are taking a frightening dimension.
Only last week, President Goodluck Jonathan summoned an emergency meeting with security top brass in the Presidential Villa, Abuja, with the aim of putting every machinery in place to checkmate the spate of bomb blasts and violent attacks on the citizens, particularly on government officials and institutions. The meeting came on the heels of a suicide bomb attack on Police Headquarters in Abuja, recently, by a group, allegedly linked to a fundamentalist religious sect, Boko Haram.
Before that daring incident, a number of dastardly bomb blasts had been unleashed on unsuspecting Nigerians and government institutions across some states in the North. On October 1, 2010, as Nigerians were celebrating the golden jubilee anniversary of the independence of the country, twin bomb blasts hit locations near the Eagle Square venue of the national event in Abuja, killing at least, 11 persons, and injuring some 35 others. Since then, bomb blasts have been recorded in other cities.
Specifically, in March, 2011, after a political campaign rally in Suleja, Niger State, a car bomb had exploded near the venue of the rally, causing stampede and severe damage to buildings nearby. Similarly, on the eve of the botched April 2, 2011 National Assembly elections, a bomb had detonated at the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) building, killing innocent Nigerians, including volunteer members of the National Youth Service Corps, recruited by the election umpire to conduct the April polls.
Between then and now, series of bomb blasts have ripped off buildings, killing law-abiding citizens, and raised tension across the land. In Zuba, within the precinct of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Zaria in Kaduna State, Mugadishu Barracks, Abuja, and a plethora of other explosions that had killed many in Borno State, are clear cases which quickly come to mind. From available records, Boko Haram has claimed responsibility for virtually all the bomb attacks from last March to the most recent attack on an eatery in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, last Monday.
Boko Haram, we understand, is a fundamentalist Islamic sect demanding, the establishment of Sharia as the official legal system in 12 states in the North, an end to secular education system, and a government system that professes Islamism as fundamental principle of governance, among others. In fact, Boko Haram elements claim not to recognize democratic governments and institutions, and insists on extirpating any semblance of representative democracy in the North. They also want to eliminate the police, and other para-military institutions and personnel.
The Tide feels particularly worried at the level of sophistication, strategic deployment of weapons, mode of delivery and execution of the series of bomb attacks, and the daring impunity with which members of Boko Haram have carried out their uncanny and unpatriotic campaign against the state. To say the least, the Boko Haram tactics and strategy are serious threats to the security of Nigerians and the territorial integrity of the nation. Indeed, we are ashamed at the successful execution of the suicide bomb attack on the headquarters of the nation’s security agency. We are sad that the epicenter of agency responsible for the protection of lives and property of Nigerians was so masterfully attacked and police officers serving the nation killed by common criminals.
While we expect that every citizen has a right to profess his or her religion, demand and get his or her rights to good education, high quality healthcare delivery, shelter, employment, and security guarantees in an independent nation such as ours, we also feel that such rights must be gained in a decent fashion. But it is particularly important to remind perpetrators of the festering mayhem of the immutable fact that their rights end where other Nigerians’ rights begin.
For us, therefore, to canvass amnesty for such group of persons, who have not in any way requested for government’s olive branch or shown remorse for their acts of terrorism and treason against the Nigerian state, as some few elements have surreptitiously done, is unpatriotic and unnecessary. The presidential amnesty granted Niger Delta militants by the Federal Government was necessitated by the fact that the struggle was meaningful and anchored on the need to develop the region, engineer political inclusiveness, and promote justice, equity and fair-play within the polity.
This is why The Tide supports the Federal Government’s present joint military strategy as a means of crushing the menace of Boko Haram. We say so because we do not see the desire to further any reasonable and development-driven ideas and demands by Boko Haram. In fact, their demands are crassly antithetical to development, progress, peace and security.
We, therefore, insist that government must do everything within its powers to suppress the rising tide of violence, bomb blasts, unwarranted killings, maiming and destruction of property of law-abiding Nigerians in any part of the country. The joint military task force must rise to the occasion, and quell this tasteless menu served Nigerians. The police must also swing into action, arrest and prosecute those directly or indirectly linked to the spate of insecurity in the land, so as to serve as a deterrent to any criminal minds, planning a new offensive anywhere in the country.
The time has come for the security agencies in this country to truly show that they are on top of the security situation. This is the only way we can beat our chests to say ‘Nigeria is foreign investors’ choice destination’, in Africa. Otherwise, the government’s vision of making Nigeria one of the 20 largest economies in the world by 2020 could be a huge pipe dream. The security challenges are real, and the government must face them frontally. This is the truth!
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.