Features
Strategic Ramifications Of The Egyptian Unrest
The prospect of an imminent, uncontrolled change in the leadership of Egypt, or other political paralysis in the state, as a result of growing popular unrest which began in the country in earnest on January 25, 2011, has clear strategic ramifications, dependent on how the matter resolves itself.
By January 30, 2011, the key to the transition of power in Egypt was the Army. The domestic intelligence service under the Interior Ministry had failed to anticipate, or deal with, the crisis; the foreign intelligence service, from which the new Vice-President emerged, lacks a power base. So, as the matter progressed, only the Army could maintain stability.
President Hosni Mubarak’s health is now so poor that it was considered surprising that he did not take steps in 2009 to begin a transition of power, but his son and named heir, Gamal, himself had developed no meaningful power base other than in certain financial and political sectors. That “base” provided no power in the context of popular discontent.
President Hosni Mubarak, 82, on Saturday, January 29, 2011, dismissed his entire Cabinet, but it was likely that Defense Minister Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawy Soliman, 75, will be called back into a new Cabinet, given the fact that he has effectively managed the Armed Forces as head of the Operations Authority (effectively head of the Army and joint services) and, since 1993, as Defense Minister. Field Marshal Tantawy is solid, discreet, modest, and has a strongly loyal following within the military. He had also been Commander of the Presidential Guard, Minister for Defense Production, and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces (1991). Many in the military consider that he should have acted earlier to cause President Mubarak to retire, and to put a stop to the President’s belief that he could make his son, Gamal Mubarak, 47, into a leader to succeed to the Presidency.
The fact that the President, on Friday, January 28, 2011, called on the Armed Forces to essentially replace the Police and the Security Police essentially put Field Marshal Tantawy in command of the situation. The rivalry between the Defense Ministry and the Interior Ministry — which controls the General Directorate for State Security (the Security Policy, a national paramilitary gendarmerie) — has been endemic in Egypt for decades. The Interior Ministry manifestly failed to anticipate the level of frustration throughout Egyptian society, and neither did it plan an effective response to any large-scale unrest.
The Armed Forces under the legendary then-Defense Minister, Field Marshal Mohamed Abdel-Halim Abu-Ghazala, during the Anwar as-Sadat Presidency (1970-1981) and later, were used to put down a mutiny, in February 1986, by 17,000 Security Police. A colleague and friend of this writer (and the likes of US Secretary of State Alexander Haig) from 1974 until his death on September 6, 2008, Field Marshal Abu-Ghazala was awarded the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA) Gold Star Award for Outstanding Contributions to Strategic Progress in 1986. Abu-Ghazala, like his friend, Field Marshal Tantawy, was seen as a Presidential contender, but both of them chose — for the sake of stability in Egypt — not to challenge Mubarak’s lackluster Presidency.
The measure of President Mubarak’s understanding that Egypt is moving rapidly toward political transition came when he named, on January 29, 2011, a Vice-President, the first he has appointed since he took office in 1981. He had promised the post to then-Defense Minister Abu-Ghazala, and later it was reported he would offer it to current Defense Minister Tantawy. But Mubarak was full of fear that he might be removed and succeeded.
Now he has named Omar Suleiman, the chief of the Mukhabarat el-Aama — the general intelligence and security service, responsible for foreign intelligence — to the Vice-Presidency. He also named retired Air Chief Marshal and former Air Force commander and head of civil aviation Ahmed Shafik, 69, as prime minister, replacing Ahmed Nazif, who had been Prime Minister since 2004, and who was forced to resign with the entire Cabinet during the current unrest.
One commentator remarked, after the start of the rioting in Egypt on January 25, 2011, that “repression” of Egyptian society was not the reason for popular unrest, but rather the frustration was finally boiling over because Mubarak failed to offer Egyptians “a dream”. What was remarkable about President Mubarak’s tenure was his absolute failure to project any personal charisma or to paint a “dream” for the Egyptian people, in stark contrast to his predecessor, Anwar as-Sadat, whose 1978 autobiography, In Search of Identity, expressly outlined to the Egyptian people who they were, and what they sought.
In the Preface to the Defense & Foreign Affairs Handbook on Egypt, in 1995, I noted: “If Egypt remains strong, and in all senses a ‘power’ in its regional contexts, then world events will move in one direction. If Egypt’s strength is undermined, then world events (and not merely those of the Middle East) will move along a far more uncertain and violent path.”
It is significant that Egypt began to fail to be “strong”, internally, within a few years of that 1995 book. It became less resilient as President Mubarak became more isolated and the inspiration offered by Sadat began to erode. This resulted in the rise in Egypt of the Islamists who had killed Sadat, and the growing empowerment of the veteran Islamists from the Afghan conflict, including such figures as Osama bid Laden (who had spent considerable time living in Egypt), and Ayman al-Zawahiri, et al.
The reality was that Mubarak’s management-style Presidency could not offer the requisite hope — because “hope” translates to meaning and identity — to Egyptian society as it was transitioning from poverty and unemployment to gradually growing wealth. Hope equates to patience.
What are the areas of strategic concern, then, as Egypt transforms? The following are some considerations:
1. Security and stability of Suez Canal sea traffic: Even temporary disruption, or the threat of disruptions, to traffic through the Suez Canal would disturb global trade, given that the Canal and the associated SUMED pipeline (which takes crude oil north from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean) are responsible for significant volumes of world trade, including energy shipments. Threats of delays or closure of the Canal and/or the SUMED, or hints of increased danger to shipping, would significantly increase insurance costs on trade, and would begin to have shippers consider moving Suez traffic, once again, to the longer and more expensive Cape of Good Hope seaway.
2. Disruption of Nile waters negotiations and matters relating: Egypt’s support for the emerging independence of South Sudan was based on that new state’s control over a considerable stretch of the White Nile, at a time when Egypt has been attempting to dominate new treaty discussions regarding Nile (White and Blue Nile) water usage and riparian rights. Already, Egyptian ability to negotiate with the Nile River states has entered an hiatus, and unless the Egyptian Government is able to re-form quickly around a strong, regionally-focused model, Egypt will have lost all momentum on securing what it feels is its dominance over Nile water controls. In the short term, the Egyptian situation could provide tremors into northern and South Sudan, and in South Sudan this will mean that the US, in particular, could be asked to step up support activities to that country’s independence transition.
Such a sudden loss of Egypt’s Nile position will radically affect its long-standing proxy “war” to keep Ethiopia — which controls the headwaters and flow of the Blue Nile, the Nile’s biggest volume input — landlocked and strategically impotent. This means that Egypt’s ability to block African Union (AU) and Arab League denial of sovereignty recognition of the Republic of Somaliland will decline or disappear for the time being. Already Egypt’s influence enabled an Islamist take-over of Somaliland, possibly moving that state toward re-integration with the anomic Somalia state. Equally importantly, the interregnum in Egypt will mean a cessation of Cairo’s support for Eritrea and the proxy war which Eritrea facilitates — but which others, particularly Egypt, pay — against Ethiopia through the arming, logistics, training, etc., of anti-Ethiopian groups such as the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), etc.
3. Overall security of the Red Sea states and SLOC: Egypt has been vital to sustaining the tenuous viability of the state of Eritrea, because Cairo regarded Eritrean loyalty as a key means of sustaining Egyptian power projection into the Red Sea (and ensuring the security of the Red Sea/Suez Sea Lane of Communication), and to deny such access to Israel. Absent Egyptian support, the Eritrean Government of Pres. Isayas Afewerke will begin to feel its isolation and economic deprivation, and may well, on its own, accelerate new pressures for conflict with Ethiopia to distract local populations from the growing deprivation in the country.
4. The Israel situation: A protracted interregnum in Egypt, or a move by Egypt toward Islamist or populist governance could bring about a decline in the stability of the Egypt-Israel peace agreement, and provide an opening of the border with the HAMAS-controlled Gaza region of the Palestinian Authority lands. This would contribute to the ability of Iran to escalate pressures on Israel, and not only further isolate Israel, but also isolate Jordan, and, to an extent, Saudi Arabia. The threat of direct military engagement between Israel and Egypt may remain low, but a move by Egypt away from being a predictable part of the regional peace system would, by default, accelerate the growth of the Iran-Syria-HizbAllah-HAMAS ability to strategically threaten Israel. Moreover, the transforming situation would also inhibit the West Bank Palestinian Authority Government.
5. Eastern Mediterranean stability: The instability, and the possible move toward greater Islamist influence, in Egypt reinforces the direction — and potential for control of the regional agenda — by the Islamist Government of Turkey. It is certainly possible that the transformed mood of the Eastern Mediterranean could inhibit external investment in the development of the major gas fields off the Israeli and Cyprus coasts. This may be a gradual process, but the overall sense of the stability of the region — particularly if Suez Canal closure or de facto closure by any avoidance of it by shippers due to an Islamist government in Cairo — would be jeopardized if the area is no longer the world’s most important trade route.
6. Influence on Iran’s position: It should be considered that any decline in Egypt’s ability to act as the major influence on the Arab world enhances Iran’s de facto position of authority in the Greater Middle East. It is true that Egypt’s position has been in decline in this regard for the past decade and more, and that even Saudi Arabia has worked, successfully to a degree, to compete with Egypt for regional (ie: Arab) leadership. Without strong Egyptian leadership, however, there is no real counterweight to Iran’s ability to intimidate. During the period of the Shah’s leadership in Iran (until the “revolution” of 1979 and the Shah’s departure, ultimately to his death and burial, ironically, in Cairo), Iran and Egypt were highly compatible strategic partners, stabilising the region to a large degree. The Shah’s first wife was Egyptian. Absent a strong Egypt (and, in reality, we have been “absent a strong Egypt” for some years), we can expect growing Iranian boldness in supporting such groups as those fighting for the so-called “Islamic Republic of Eastern Arabia”.
7. US interests: A stable Egypt is critical for the maintenance of US strategic interests, given its control of the Suez; its partnership in the peace process with Israel; and so on. Why, then, would the current US Barack Obama Administration indicate that it would “support the masses” in the streets of Egyptian cities at this point. There is no question that Washington has supported moves to get President Mubarak to provide for a smooth succession over recent years: that would have been beneficial for Egypt as well as for the US. But for the US to actively now support — as Barack Obama has done — “the street” over orderly transition of power lacks strategic sense. It is true that the State Dept., and even the strategically-challenged US Vice-President, Joe Biden, have urged caution on the Egyptian people, but President Obama has effectively contradicted that approach, as he did in Tunisia, where he literally supported the street revolution against its President earlier in January 2011. If Egypt moves to anti-Western, anti-US governance, the US will be required to re-think its entire strategic approach to the Middle East, Africa, and the projection of power through the Eastern Mediterranean and into the Indian Ocean. It would give a strong boost of importance to the US Pacific Fleet, which is responsible for US projection the Indian Ocean. CENTCOM (Central Command) would need to be re-thought, as would USAFRICOM (US African Command).
8. Impact on the US positions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan: The “loss” of Egypt and the questionable ability which the US could have over projection through the Suez Canal — if it came to that — would certainly impact US ability to support the final military operations it has in Iraq, and Afghanistan. A loss (or jeopardizing) of US military access via Egyptian-controlled areas such as the Red Sea/Suez would absolutely fragment the way in which the US can project power globally. Even the accession of an Islamist state in Egypt, as opposed to closure of the Suez Canal, would achieve much of this. What is clear is that the US did not adequately prepare for the end of the Mubarak era, even though it was absolutely obvious that it was coming. Now, only by luck will the US see the Egyptian Armed Forces reassert control over Egypt and introduce a new generation of leadership to bridge the transition until the re-emergence of a charismatic leader.
9. Concern over governance transition in “republican dynasties”: The recent street moves against states with protracted – ie: essentially against normal constitutional viability – power being held by autocratic leaders over long periods has become a clear message that Western democracies succeed by arranging orderly transitions of power, whether among their constitutional monarchs as heads-of-state, or among their elected governments. States which rise and fall with each successive and uneasy – often violent – transfer of power from one leader to the next, or in which autocrats attempt to impose their children as their successors without the legitimacy of a nationally-evolved monarchy or tradition, are in increasing peril as to their long-term stability. Syria, for example, in the region continues to founder although it achieved the transfer of one Assad to the next, but it does not prosper. Libya, Algeria, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Yemen, and North Korea, for example, all must consider that extended governance without legitimate options for the future encourages decline and instability.
10. Issues of Military Technology and Equipment Relations: Any move by Egypt away from its pro-US position – including, and particularly, the prospect of an administration headed by self-styled “opposition leader” Mohamed Elbaradei, would result in a major compromise of US military technology. The Egyptian Armed Forces have a major defense supply relationship with the US, particularly with high-profile systems such as late-model Lockheed Martin F-16C/D Block 50/52 fighters, M1A1 main battle tanks, AH-64A/D Apache and Apache Longbow attack helicopters, UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters, a wide range of surface- and air-mounted missile systems, and so on. The reality is that further north in the Mediterranean, the defense supply relationship with Turkey is already compromised, by the US Government will not recognize that. Firstly, the supply relationship with Turkey means that the technology itself may be compromised to other states (Iran, Russia), to some extent, and now will almost certainly not be used to support US/NATO initiatives. In Egypt, a similar situation could prevail if the Armed Forces do not take control and exclude Elbaradei and/or other anti-US Islamists or populists.
Pres. Gamal Abdel Nasser was charismatic and transformative, but not necessarily a leader who delivered a strong new architecture to Egypt. Anwar as-Sadat gradually emerged as charismatic, and he was transformative in a very meaningful way for the country.
It took three decades of Mubarak’s invisible presence for so much of Sadat’s vision to erode, and yet Sadat’s national architecture remains intact if someone would be able to pick up the reins of real leadership. What is significant is that the Egyptian Royal Family has not re-emerged from exile to offer some hope of a restoration of traditional Egyptian values.
If the populist and vehemently anti-US ally of Iran, Mohamed Elbaradei, seizes control of the Egyptian mob — because that is his goal: to position himself at the front of a mob not of his own making — he would certainly re-introduce a great element of instability to the region, and bolster Iran’s position.
Even without directly working with Iran, merely by pushing Egypt into an investment-averse situation, Iran’s regional power would grow, and Egypt would be under the grip of a vain and shallow man far more detrimental to the nation’s long-term interests even than Mubarak the Manager. Not insignificantly, when US left-leaning television news network CNN interviewed – and essentially played softly with – Elbaradei, the former UN official was wearing a green tie, meant to be a clear signal to Iran and the Islamists.
There are other populist factors to consider, including the prospect of a junior- or mid-level officer putsch in the style of the Free Officers Movement which propelled Col. Gamal Abdel Nasser, its founder (after first putting up a staging horse, Gen. Muhammad Naguib, into office as a figurehead), to power in 1952, launching the system which is now under pressure with the decline of Mubarak.
There are many more factors to consider, but these are a few on which thinking should focus.
Analysis by Gregory R. Copley, Editor, GIS/Defense & Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC, USA.
Gregory R. Copley
The mandate of the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC, is to facilitate the rapid and sustainable development of the Niger Delta region, while that of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, is to investigates financial crimes and put corrupt practices in check.
Given their different roles, the idea of an alliance between the two organisations may seem far-fetched. However, with the NDDC Managing Director, Dr Samuel Ogbuku, and the EFCC Executive Chairman, Mr. Olanikpekun Olukoyede, it is not just an idea; it is a reality.
The unique collaboration between the NDDC and the EFCC has given rise to the Renewed Hope Multi-Purpose Training Centre, unveiled on Tuesday at Otuokpoti Community in Ogbia Local Government Area, Bayelsa State.
According to the NDDC Managing Director, the vast training complex was executed with funds recovered on behalf of the Commission by the EFCC.
Ogbuku explained that the Bayelsa training centre was funded through the money recovered by the EFCC and executed under a signed performance bond, ensuring transparency and impact. He noted that the facility represented one of several such centres being constructed in Delta and Rivers States. He said: “We have similar facilities currently under construction in Odi, Bayelsa State, while the ones in Delta State are being built in Patani and Ozorro and another two in Rivers State.”
He observed that the Multi-Purpose Training Centre, which was completed in record time, was a partnership between the EFCC and the NDDC, as the anti-crime agency had recovered the funds that facilitated the project’s execution.
Ogbuku observed that the facility, which could accommodate 1,000 persons, represented a significant step toward empowering local communities through skills development and inclusive growth.
The training centre’s components, which include a school, hospital, cafeteria, police post, and recreational centre, are all designed to support training, healthcare, and emergency accommodation within a single integrated complex.
Speaking at the inauguration ceremony, the EFCC Chairman assured the NDDC of the release of more recovered funds in the coming weeks.
Olukoyede described the NDDC as a “renewed and transformed government agency.” He assured that the EFCC would do everything to recover all outstanding statutory contributions due to the NDDC from oil companies.
He noted: “We have made several recoveries on behalf of the NDDC, and we will not relent in this direction. We are encouraged by the fact that the NDDC is making the Renewed Hope Agenda of the Federal Government a reality in the Niger Delta region.”
Olukoyede commended the NDDC for its institutional and policy reforms, declaring that the people of the Niger Delta will have every reason to celebrate the current leadership of the Commission. He described the NDDC as a beacon of good governance under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.
He noted: “The Niger Delta is the goose that lays the golden egg and should not be denied the benefits of that golden egg. On our part at the EFCC, we must do everything within our power to ensure that the three per cent statutory contribution due to the NDDC is recovered and handed over to the Commission. We are going to continue supporting you.”
He said further: “Under this President, NDDC is working; good governance is being delivered. It is my delight to be part of this transformational agenda. The Renewed Hope Agenda is no longer a slogan—it is a reality. For the first time, people are identifying with what NDDC is doing.”
Olukoyede commended the NDDC, saying the Commission has refined its processes to uphold the principles of probity. This aligns with the agency’s head’s emphasis on upholding transparency and accountability in the country’s affairs.
The Chairman of the anti-crime agency confessed that his perspective on the NDDC was turned around in 2024, when the NDDC management, led by Ogbuku, paid him a courtesy visit at the EFCC’s headquarters in Abuja.
Olukoyede stated that he was impressed by the Commission’s “Rewind to Rebirth” initiative.
He declared: “The five minutes of interaction with the MD left me with a different perception of NDDC. Maybe, we will begin to see an NDDC that is a symbol of pride, accountability, transparency and able to deliver on its mandate.
“From his presentation, you can see that he is ready to bring a change, and that is the exact thing that we stand for in EFCC.”
Assuring that the EFCC would continue to assist the NDDC to achieve its mandate, he said: “We have been working with you to make recoveries; we will continue to do more.
“The collaboration is something we need to take to the next level, and with what you have put on the table I think we are ready to work with you to strengthen your systems and processes and to take the NDDC to the next level.”
In his remarks, the Minister of Niger Delta Development, Engr. Abubakar Momoh, praised the NDDC Board and Management for their unity of purpose and commitment to service delivery, stating that the level of harmony and stability within the Commission is unprecedented.
He declared: “What we are witnessing here today has never happened in the history of the NDDC. Since I assumed office as Minister, I have not been called upon to settle any crisis within the Commission. This is a testament to the teamwork between the Board and Management.”
Also speaking, the Chairman of the NDDC Governing Board, Mr. Chiedu Ebie, emphasised the human capital development focus of the two projects commissioned, noting that reforming the NDDC is an ongoing but rewarding process.
He stated: “We are moving from transaction to transformation. We are doing our best to improve not just the reputation of the NDDC, but everything that concerns the Commission. Today is about promoting and celebrating human capacity.”
Without a doubt, the Niger Delta region is confronted with ecological and environmental challenges that should, perforce, attract significant funds from the Federal Government and the oil companies operating in the region.
Sadly, this has not been so, thus limiting the capacity of the NDDC to fulfill its mandate of driving the development process and transforming the Niger Delta region into one that is “economically prosperous, socially stable, ecologically regenerative and politically peaceful.”
It is rather unfortunate that, despite the spirited efforts by successive boards and managements of the NDDC to meet the expectations of the people, their efforts have not been matched with commensurate funding.
The issue of inadequate funding is resurfacing again. Indeed, it is an inconvenient truth that will remain on the front burner until it is fully addressed.
That explains why the NDDC Managing Director highlighted the issue during interactive sessions that the Commission’s Board and Management held with the relevant Committees of the National Assembly in Abuja last year.
Ogbuku told the House of Representatives Committee on NDDC, chaired by Hon. Ibori-Suenu Erhiatake, that the Commission is owed over N2 trillion, arising from withheld funds and underpayments by both the government and the oil companies. He blamed this on non-compliance with the Act establishing the Commission.
Given the enormous impact of their activities on the environment, the oil companies are expected to be at the forefront in the critical task of urgently developing the oil basin that has suffered so much neglect in the past. It is, in fact, in their interest to develop the communities where they operate to guarantee peace, which is very necessary for them to continue with their work.
Thankfully, both the Senate and the House of Representatives promised to assist the NDDC in recovering its outstanding funds. In their various interactions with the NDDC leadership, the lawmakers expressed concern about the disregard for existing laws governing the Commission’s funding.
The Chairman of the Senate Committee on NDDC, Senator Asuquo Ekpenyong, expressed displeasure over the disregard for the law by the International Oil Companies (IOCs) and promised to call them to order.
The Senate Committee Chairman stated that proper funding would help NDDC to adequately address the sustainable development of the Niger Delta region, noting that the challenge of developing the region was enormous and that all relevant contributors to the NDDC must play their roles diligently.
Senator Ekpenyong said that in discharging its oversight functions, his committee will ensure that every contributor to NDDC pays what they owe the Commission, “because we cannot afford to toy with the development of that very important region. We owe it to the country to make sure that we improve the living conditions of the people of the region.”
It is reassuring to note that both chambers of the National Assembly are concerned about the pressing funding challenges facing the NDDC and are taking steps to address the situation.
The lawmakers understand that we have a responsibility to adequately fuel the vehicle chosen to drive the development process in the Niger Delta region.
In 2023, the House of Representatives unveiled plans to investigate the activities of International Oil Companies (IOCs) operating in the Niger Delta region, as well as the recovery of over $4 billion allegedly owed to the NDDC.
The resolution was passed sequel to the adoption of a motion sponsored by Hon. Donald Kimikanboh Ojogo, who frowned at the flagrant breach of the NDDC Act, 2000, which was established in response to heightened agitations and violent yearnings for special intervention in the oil-producing states.
He said: “The House is aware that the indebtedness of the IOCs to the NDDC had culminated in the drive by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to commence the debt recovery process.
By Ifeatu Agbu
As the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC, celebrates 25 years of its establishment, one innovative project stands out like a neon sign in the night. The groundbreaking Light Up the Niger Delta project, undertaken by the Commission, has opened several new frontiers for growth and development.
The solar-powered streetlights have transformed the way people live and work in communities across the Niger Delta region. The impact of this initiative can be felt in economic and social activities in the region.
This transformation signposts significant progress in people’s lives in the hitherto neglected region, radiating far beyond the streets.
The light up Niger Delta project is part of the NDDC’s measures to combat criminality, stimulate socio-economic activities, and promote peace in the region.
The campaign is particularly important, given the security concerns in Nigeria’s oil-rich region.?The positive impact of the “Light Up the Niger Delta” campaign is evident, as it has reduced criminal activity in various communities and enhanced commercial activities in the affected areas.?According to the NDDC Managing Director, Dr Samuel Ogbuku, “We decided to adopt the clean energy approach, which not only provides light but helps in the fight to mitigate the effects of climate change on our environment. I can assure you that the incidence of crime has reduced in most of these communities.”?As climate change continues to impact communities worldwide, the need for innovative solutions to address the global challenge has become increasingly imperative. In the search for solutions, solar power is gaining traction as a potential silver bullet to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and save the environment.
Today, many organisations are investing in solar projects and reducing reliance on traditional energy sources. Solar power has inherent advantages, making it an attractive option for government and private sector organisations eager to reduce their carbon footprints.
In the past, issues around climate change used to sound distant and academic. Not anymore. It has become increasingly apparent to the human race that climate change is one of the most pressing challenges of our lifetime. The task, therefore, is to take measures to help curb the rising global temperature.
Experts say mitigating climate change entails “reducing the flow of heat-trapping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere. This involves cutting greenhouse gases from the main sources such as power plants, factories, cars, and farms. Forests, oceans, and soil also absorb and store these gases and are an important part of the solution.”
Nigeria is not immune to this global phenomenon, which is evident in rising temperatures, intense rainfall producing large runoffs and flooding, rising sea levels, drought and desertification, land degradation, and more frequent extreme weather events.
Many organisations, including the NDDC, are already contributing in different ways to tackle the global problem. According to the NDDC Managing Director, Dr Samuel Ogbuku: “Our target is to ensure that every community in the Niger Delta region is powered by solar, which is a renewable and cheap form of energy. Additionally, we will establish industrial clusters powered by solar energy, which will enhance the agricultural value chain.
Ogbuku noted that Solar power had the dual benefit of providing needed projects for the people and building NDDC’s carbon credits, stating that the Commission expects to recover the carbon credits trapped in some of these projects.
Investing in solar energy is on point because it aligns with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) objectives. Aligning these initiatives with the SDGs is crucial as they provide a comprehensive framework for sustainable development, including climate action.
Several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), such as SDG 7 (Affordable and Clean Energy) and SDG 13 (Climate Action), directly relate to climate change and renewable energy. By investing in solar energy and carbon credits, the NDDC will contribute to achieving these goals.
There is ample evidence that solar energy, as a renewable and sustainable power source, can significantly reduce greenhouse gas emissions and dependence on fossil fuels. Hence, NDDC’s investments in solar energy projects will contribute to mitigating climate change and promote clean and affordable energy.
The Commission’s contributions can take various forms. They could be small-scale installations in local communities or large-scale solar farms. These projects will provide electricity to communities, reduce carbon emissions, and create job opportunities for our teaming youths.
Several communities are already reaping the benefits of NDDC’s bold initiative.
In Bayelsa, solar-powered streetlights have become a source of relief and safety for residents of Yenagoa, the state capital. This new development has also provided respite to communities in the eight local government areas.
Unlike in the past, solar street lights were abandoned and became a relic of past administrations. That is not the case for the NDDC solar streetlights.
In recent years, the popular Etegwe/Tombia roundabout, Mbiama/Yenagoa road, Sanni Abacha express road, Azikoro/Ekeki area, and others have been illuminated for visitors to the state capital.
A resident, Emeka Ojuogu, commended the NDDC for the solar-powered light, stating, “Before now, some politicians described the state as a ‘forest’ capital because it is always dark due to poor epileptic power supply. But now, there seems to be no street without powered street lights.”
The people of Ayama in the Gbarain Kingdom of Bayelsa State have expressed gratitude to the NDDC management for considering their community in the award and completion of solar-powered streetlight projects.
They expressed delight that their community had been lit-up with solar-powered streetlights by the NDDC, thereby making it to be among several other communities in the region that had benefited from the commission’s ‘Operation Light Up Niger Delta Project.’
Speaking separately when the people rolled out the drums to celebrate the successful completion of the solar street light project, the paramount ruler of Ayama-Gbarain, Kawari Apina-Owei, his deputy, Jeremiah Selesai, and the Community Development Committee chairman, Geseye Apina-Owei, praised the Managing Director of NDDC, Samuel Ogbuku, and the management of the interventionist agency for the amenity.
Apina-Owei said, “Some relief came our way when the NDDC awarded the solar-powered street light to this community. This is the first time we have felt the impact of the leadership and management of the NDDC since its inception.
“We thank the NDDC Managing Director, Dr Samuel Ogbuku, and the Commission’s management for remembering our community, Ayama, in this solar-powered light project. Before now, we have been in total darkness, and so snakes and other dangerous reptiles were roaming at night.”
“Before the execution of this solar light project, we could not move freely at night because everywhere used to be dark once it was night. But now, we can move at any time of the night to our neighbouring Ogboloma and Okotiama communities.”
The community described Ogbuku as God-sent, who had brought happiness to their hearts as they could see clearly and move freely at night.
The residents testified: “Driving through Kaima, Odi and Opokuma was very refreshing. The lighting across the communities was spectacular and distinctive.
The street lights provided sufficient illumination to bolster our confidence as we drove at night. Students now use the street lights to read at night.”
Providing street lighting may not be all that is needed to develop the Niger Delta; however, it is an essential step in the right direction which must be applauded.
In Rivers State, many communities have witnessed a remarkable transformation. Neighbourhoods that used to be deserted after sundown now come alive at night, thanks to the NDDC solar-powered lights.
Francis Okoroafor, a shop owner in the Trans Amadi Industrial Area, recounts the new development: “Now I can walk home after work rather than hop into a cab. I am no longer scared of the dark route that Ordinance Road used to be. I have extended shop hours, exceeding my profit margin by more than 40 per cent.”
Michael Igoniwari, who owns a supermarket on Iwowari Street, echoes this sentiment, noting that the extended hours of illumination have redefined business dynamics. “Thanks to the solar street lights, people are out at night these days, and the streets are busier,” he affirms. The solar-powered radiance has not only dispelled the shadows but has also catalyzed economic growth, empowering local businesses and enhancing the overall quality of life.
The NDDC’s solar street lighting program responds to communities’ prevailing challenges with limited access to the main electrical grid. Existing government-installed streetlights are often dysfunctional due to system failures, power shortages, and the exorbitant cost of diesel for generators. Launched recently, the program aims to deploy tens of thousands of solar-powered street lights, transcending the boundaries of Port Harcourt to illuminate cities, towns, and villages across the Niger Delta.
The impact of the initiative extends beyond mere illumination; it addresses a fundamental issue plaguing more than 70 million people in the Niger Delta; the lack of dependable power supply. Solar-powered streetlights, with their low operational costs and straightforward installation, have emerged as a beacon of hope for communities grappling with power outages and unreliable electricity from the national grid.
The president of the Ijaw Youth Council, Jonathan Lokpobiri, emphasises the popularity of solar streetlights in areas that previously lacked any form of street lighting. He notes, “People are now going out after dark because they feel safer.” The lights enhance security and contribute to community and social cohesion.
Tammy Dagogo, who runs a barbing salon off Peter Odili Road, attests, “Now, even during outages, the solar lights keep the area lit.” This reliability fosters a newfound sense of security, enabling mothers like Belema Dappa to permit their children to play outside, even after dusk.
The Omerelu community in Ikwerre Local Government Area was jubilant following the inauguration of Solar-powered streetlights installed across the community’s villages by the NDDC.
In line with its project titled “Operation Light Up Niger Delta”, NDDC provided solar power to mitigate the once darkness-ridden Omopi-Omerelu community.
In appreciation, the Chairman of the Omerelu Council of Chiefs, Chief L. O. Didia, thanked the NDDC for bringing the project to the community.
The Rumuigbo community in the Obio/Akpor local government area of Rivers State was not left out in the jubilation.
The Rumuigbo Council of Chiefs and Elders chairman, Chief Kinikanwo Owhonda, expressed gratitude to the commission for always being there for the region’s people.
In Akwa Ibom State, the Niger Delta Youths Movement, NDYM, hailed the NDDC for initiating life-changing projects, such as the Light up Niger Delta initiative, which would provide jobs and boost the economic development of the region.
NDYM National President Prince Boboye Peretu hailed the Dr Samuel Ogbuku-led management of NDDC for the initiative.
Reports from different states have it that this ‘Light up the Niger Delta’ programme has stimulated economic growth, empowered local businesses, and serves as a beacon of hope in the nation’s quest for sustainable development.
Ifeatu Agbu
Agbu wrote in from Port Harcourt.
Cynthia Ebi Farka cherishes her days as the face of Coventry. She attended Coventry University in the United Kingdom as one of the beneficiaries of the post-graduate scholarship scheme of the Niger Delta Development Commission, NDDC.
For many months, Cynthia’s face welcomed prospective students at the Coventry train station as part of a “Guide to Campus ” project at Coventry University. She recalled with pride: “My face was used to showcase the good features of the university, and I did this as an NDDC scholar.”
Cynthia, who hails from Bayelsa State, studied oil and gas engineering and described her experience in UK as life-changing. She said out there, “everything is computerised, and if you don’t work hard, you will not get anything. There is this software called ‘turn-it-in’ which is used whenever an assignment or coursework is given to check plagiarism,” she said.
“With a background in petroleum engineering, I had the opportunity to deepen my knowledge in oil and gas engineering. I also had the opportunity to go on an excursion in Glasgow, Scotland. The flow measurement course exposed me to practical experiences outside the academic sphere. Altogether, I can say that I am well equipped for the future.”
Looking back, Cynthia said the Master’s degree programme in Coventry was challenging. “But you know, challenges come with their good part,” she added: “When I got to the United Kingdom, it took me some time to adjust to a new learning system. It’s different from what we are used to here in Nigeria. In a nutshell, I will say it was a wonderful experience.”
However, the NDDC scholar said she would be fulfilled when her studies translate to benefits for the people of the Niger Delta. For this to happen, she said she was looking forward to getting a platform to demonstrate her skills. “I need an opportunity to transfer my knowledge to others. Apart from oil and gas engineering, I also got involved in a media presentation project where I learnt presentation and communication skills,” Cynthia said.
Given her exposure to a more modern society, Cynthia wants to see a Niger Delta that is comparable in terms of development to the United Kingdom. She acknowledges that it may take a while and a lot of work.
Cynthia cautioned that blaming all our woes on the Government was unhelpful because, in her view, we all must play different roles. She explains: “You need to see Nigerians in the United Kingdom. They behave themselves; you don’t see someone eat and throw the waste on the roads, but they do that in Nigeria. So, is it the government doing that? Every individual has a part to play. You have the zebra crossing in the UK, and when there are people on it, cars stop, but here in Nigeria, they will run you over.
“I see a Nigeria that will be like the United Kingdom, where you pay for electricity and you get light in a system that works generally. I want the Niger Delta to be a peaceful environment where the youths can realise their potentials. Our boys and girls have prospects, but the environment limits them. I wish people who have a passion for certain things were encouraged. They should go for it and not give up.”
While thanking the NDDC for allowing her to improve herself, Cynthia advised the Commission to help the scholars surmount the initial funding challenges they face in a foreign land. According to her, the major obstacle is the late release of funds. ”I got to Coventry in September, and the money came in December. So, you have to be able to struggle and foot your bills at the initial stage. I wish the Commission could give the scholars something to support themselves before getting there.”
On the positive side, Cynthia commended the NDDC for keeping track of the performance and well-being of its scholars. She enthused: “I was glad that the Deputy Director from the directorate running the scholarship programme came to my graduation. That is good because they check on their students. Even before I got details of my result, it was already sent to NDDC, which is also good.”
Like Cynthia, Mr Ubong Peters, a Ph.D. student in Australia, was another worthy NDDC foreign post-graduate scholarship ambassador. He was celebrated for winning a three-minute thesis competition at his university.
Peters’s excellent performance was among the success stories the NDDC top officials shared at every opportunity.
A proud Chief Executive extolled some of the scholarship programme’s shining lights. He said that apart from Peters, “Mr Augustine Osarogiagbon, of Memorial University, is so brilliant he completed his Ph.D. in less than the stipulated time and has been offered a dual Ph.D. programme with two graduate assistants to work with him and a post-doctoral fellowship lined up.”
The NDDC boss also highlighted the exceptional contributions of Mr Charles Igwe, a Ph.D. scholar in Construction Engineering at Concordia University, Canada. He said that his unique design saved the Montreal Area Municipality over $1 billion, noting that he achieved the feat by redesigning the TURCOT interchange road construction project, costing $3.67 billion.
The NDDC education programmes were the kind of good stories that the NDDC officials loved to share. He said: “A total of 1,411 students have received scholarships since 2010, of which 1,066 were supported in M.Sc and 345 in Ph.D programmes. Five (5) of the M.Sc students graduated with distinction from Coventry University, England and one (1) from Aberdeen University.”
According to the NDDC “these positive results show the depth of talent within the Niger Delta and what can happen if we encourage the younger ones to stay focused on their education. We must also create an enabling environment for them to return to and be productive citizens.”
The NDDC Director for Education, Health and Social Services, EHSS, Dr George Uzonwanne, explained that the Foreign Post-Graduate Scholarship Scheme was meant to equip Niger Delta youths with relevant training and skills for effective participation in the local content programme of the Federal Government. He added: “It aims to empower the indigenes of the Niger Delta by building their capacity, especially in the oil and gas sector because this area is oil and gas driven. The objective is to equip our people to compete favourably with others in terms of employment in the oil industry and entrepreneurship in the region.”
He noted that emphasis was placed on science disciplines because of a noticeable deficiency in the oil industry, which made it challenging to employ young graduates from the region in that critical sector.
According to him, there was a a need to position young graduates from the region to compete globally in various professional fields, noting that before now, the oil and gas industry had discriminated against the fresh graduates they dismissed as not possessing requisite qualifications. “We also need to encourage our youths to show interest in engineering for the sake of our projects. We need qualified engineers who can manage our projects just as in agriculture, environmental science and other science-related courses,” the director said.
Dr Ozonwanne stressed that the foreign scholarship scheme was designed to expose the graduates to other developed environments outside the country. “We believe that the skills they acquire will add value to the development of the Niger Delta. So far, we have been proved right as those who benefited from the programme in the previous years have justified the need for the advanced training programme,” he said.
He expressed delight that the oil and gas sector has employed some of the NDDC scholars who had returned to the country, adding that some were employed abroad. “I am aware of three scholars who were employed in the UK after their Master’s programme. Moreover, A couple of them have gone into entrepreneurship,” he said.
The Director recalled the outstanding performance of one of the beneficiaries who studied in the United Kingdom. He said that Miss Francisca Chiedu, the star NDDC scholar of that year, was elected President of the United Kingdom University Student Union.
That feat, he said, demonstrated that Nigerian youths could lead innovative changes within and outside the country. “Her success was indeed a victory for the NDDC. It is a testimony of the capability of the new generation of Nigerians to be the change they seek and champion worthy causes”.
Dr Uzonwanne said he was optimistic that the transparent process adopted in selecting beneficiaries of the foreign scholarship scheme would continue to produce first-class performers. “It will guarantee the Niger Delta region and Nigeria at large the likes of Francisca Chiedu, the Information Engineering and Network Management student at Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen, who brought glory to NDDC, the region and nation.”
Miss Chiedu, a University of Benin Computer Science graduate, appreciated what the NDDC did for her. She wrote back to the Commission to say that “truly, life presents us with different opportunities. For me, every moment in our lives offered a door. All I had to do was choose. I chose to dream, I chose to think, I chose to move, I chose to act, and I chose to win.”
The EHSS director said that NDDC was considering broadening the scope of the scholarship to include Nigerian universities.The plans to broaden the scope of the scholarship programme would answer the prayers of some past beneficiaries who had been urging the NDDC to do more for the numerous graduates of the Niger Delta.
Mr. Lenin Francis, who benefited from the 2014 scholarship programme and earned a Master’s degree in petroleum engineering, suggested that NDDC should also extend the scholarship to other undergraduate students and increase the number of beneficiaries.
Francis, from Bayelsa State, agreed that the programme was a good capacity builder that would equip the youth to join in developing the Niger Delta. “I pray that the NDDC will continue with this laudable programme, which has helped many youths in the region,” he said.
He said that the foreign scholarship was a boost not just for the beneficiaries but for the entire Niger Delta because it would allow the youths to develop themselves and acquire technical expertise, which would benefit the people of the region.
According to him, the NDDC made the right decision to build the capacity of the youths, rather than focusing only on infrastructure. “After all, human resources are more important than physical infrastructure.”
He further said that the scholarship scheme needed to be expanded. “It is insufficient for the teeming youths of the region. Currently, the scholarship scheme is enjoyed by less than 15 per cent of qualified applicants, with some states getting only 10 slots. Surely, the NDDC can improve on this number,” he said.
Giving her perspective, Miss Amaka Uchendu, who studied at the University of Essex in the UK, said that youths often found it challenging to start their lives after their first degrees. She said, “With this scholarship programme, it will be easier for us to pursue opportunities we may not otherwise have been able to because of not having money.
So, the NDDC has helped us kick-start our lives, and we thank the commission for allowing us to move forward and improve our lives.”
By Ifeatu Agbu
Agbu sent this from Port Harcourt