Politics
Electoral Reforms And Political Stability In Africa
In many third world democracies, electoral reforms with the hope of making elections open, free, fair and acceptable to all the key stakeholders remain on top of the public agenda. This paper discusses the topic “Electoral Reforms and Political Stability in Africa”. It uses Zambia as the main case study.
A combination of two reasons suffices as to why most African countries should undertake electoral reforms. The first is that most African States were under British colonial rule and upon independence, adopted the Westminster constitution and the political arrangements that went with it. The electoral systems they adopted were not a product of a broad-based internal debate in which citizens had a chance to make submissions on the kind of system they wanted to see in place in their country. The second reason is that where limited changes have been introduced in the electoral systems, they were hardly ever debated and, in most cases, were partial and cosmetic rather than comprehensive and substantive. The result of these two factors has been political instability in some cases.
It is increasingly becoming a trend in Africa, that, whilst elections are supposed to anchor and ensure sustainable growth in democracies, in some countries elections have become a liability. This, therefore, calls for an amendment in certain African countries, to current electoral processes in order to reflect the present realities in the region as well as to adhere to international best practice standards. A number of African countries have resolved to undertake electoral reforms. A good example is Lesotho. The country adopted the Mixed Member Proportional System (MMPs) after its controversial 1998 elections. The move to the MMP was considered appropriate as the FPTP tended to exclude significant players in Lesotho’s political life.
Broadly, stakeholders must pay particular attention to two key areas· to improve elections in the region, namely election administration and electoral system design.
As an area of reform, election administration has to do with how elections are organised and managed. Election administration is a process which is as critical as the electoral outcome itself. Certain questions need to be asked to determine specific areas of reform and how reforms should proceed. These include: how elections are organised; how they are managed; and what regulatory frameworks are in place to ensure the credibility of the electoral process and the legitimacy of its outcomes.
Another area of reform is electoral system design. Electoral systems are methods of translating votes into seats. There are two main electoral systems used in most parts of Africa; the Single Member Plurality System, or first-past-the-post (FPTP), and the proportional representation (PR) system. The FPTP system is one were electors vote for one candidate in single-member constituencies, and the candidate who wins the most votes is elected, whether or not he or she wins a majority of the votes cast. In the PR system, the commonly used variant is the party list. The party list of candidates is usually equivalent to the number of seats in the House. The winner is determined by a calculation of the total proportional seats of each party relative to the overall valid votes cast. In Southern Africa, Botswana, Malawi, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe practice the FPTP system whilst Mozambique, South Africa and Namibia have a PR system.
In order to help define the vision and objectives of the electoral reform process, Reynolds, Reilly and Ellis isolated 10 key criteria that could prove useful to guide the process, namely:
Ensuring a representative parliament and inclusive government;
Making elections accessible and meaningful;
Providing incentives for conciliation and constructive management of conflicts;
Facilitating stable, transparent and efficient government;
Holding the government accountable and responsive;
Holding the elected representatives accountable and responsive;
Encouraging “cross-cutting” political parties;
Promoting legislative opposition and oversight;
Making the election process cost-effective and sustainable; and
Taking into account international norms and standards (2005:9-14).
The above criterion is neither meant to be prescriptive nor suggestive. Granted, each African country has its own peculiar historical, socio-economic and political contexts and must decide for itself which of the above factors to include in its reform process.
The Zambian Situation before the era of multipartyism in the 1990s, the election process in the country was managed by the department of elections under the Vice President’s office.
However, some people had a negative perception of the department of elections, viewing it as a compromised entity since it was under the charge -of- the Vice President’s office. In addition, the department was thought to be involved in rigging of elections with the sole purpose of keeping the ruling party in perpetual power.
In 1996, after multi-party politics had been in existence for some time, the Constitution was amended to provide for the creation of an independent electoral commission. Article 76(2) of the Constitution of Zambia, 1996, states that “An Act of Parliament shall provide for the composition and operations of the Electoral Commission appointed by the President under this Article.” This entails that the Parliament of Zambia is empowered by law to determine the operations of the Electoral Commission. According to the Constitution of Zambia, Article 76(1), the operations of the Electoral Commission include “ … to supervise the registration of voters, to conduct Presidential and Parliamentary elections and to review the boundaries of the constituencies into which Zambia is divided for the purposes of elections to the National Assembly.” As can be noted, the Constitution does not provide for the composition, powers and operations of the Commission; these provisions are found in the Electoral Commission Act, No. 24 of 1996 and the Electoral Act.
Section thirteen of the Electoral Act of 1991 provided that in the exercise of its functions under the Constitution, the ECZ shall not be subject to the direction or control of any other person or authority. In addition, the Act provided for the appointment of commissioners and officers as well as the functions of the Commission. The appointment of commissioners was to be scrutinised by a parliamentary Select Committee and ratified by the House. However, the performance of the Electoral Commission of Zambia under Justice Bobby Bwalya during the 2001 elections came under scrutiny as a result of the use of the Nikuv register which majority of Zambians claimed had been used to rig elections. The controversial Nikuv register and general concerns raised during the 2001 – elections Prompted the then president, the late Dr Levy Nwanawasa to make a decision to improve the functions of the Electoral Commission of Zambia in order to safeguard its legitimacy by appointing the Electoral Reforms and Technical Committee (ERTC) to make recommendations for electoral reforms.
In August, 2005, the ERTC submitted its final report containing recommendations which could revolutionise the electoral system and make it relevant to the multiparty political environment in Zambia. Some of the recommendations in the ERTC report include:
1. Electoral System – Zambia should adopt a Mixed Member Proportional System, which combines the FPTP and the PR systems. Under this system, it is proposed to have a 200 Member Parliament, excluding the Speaker. Out of the 200, 40 members should be nominated by various political parties, on the basis of the proportion of votes received in the FPTP Constituency. These seats should consist of women, differently abled persons and young persons;
2.The Electoral Commission of Zambia – the independence of the ECZ should be expressly provided for in the Act. The ECZ Commissioners should be appointed by the President upon the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission and ratified by Parliament. The ECZ should conduct continuous voter education;
3. Electoral Law – All the laws pertaining to the electoral process be harmonised, rationalised and consolidated; and
4.Government funding of Political Parties and disclosure of source of Funding – political parties which have representation in Parliament or
Local Councils should be funded and that this political party financing should be subjected to efficient Government controls.
In response to the ERTC recommendations, the Government of Zambia introduced very limited legislative changes to electoral procedures in mid-2006, including an electoral code of conduct and limits on politically-motivated donations and handouts, all contained in the Electoral Act No. 12 of 2006 which replaced the Electoral Act of 1991. Majority of the recommendations are yet to be implemented.
Parliament made recommendations to the ERTC with the aim of enhancing Parliament’s representativeness. The following were some of the recommendations: 1. The electoral system must provide for a two round ballot system or runoff, which is important in a presidential system such as exists in Zambia, whereby the top two or three candidates are subjected to a second round of votes to ensure that the eventual winner is elected by more than a 51 percent majority;
2. the Electoral Act should provide for the Electoral Commission to be representative of the major non-governmental institutions in the country. The Act should provide for the President to request different institutions such as Trade Unions, Professional Associations and Church bodies to recommend three individuals from among them to sit on the Commission. The names should then be submitted to the President who should nominate one person from among each of the three recommended by their respective institutions. The nomination of these individuals would then be ratified by Parliament. The Electoral Act should also empower the Commission to hear Electoral petitions which, upon determination, by the Commission can be heard on appeal by the High Court;
Muntanga is a member of the Zambian National Assembly
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Politics
Reps Constitution Review Committee Holds Zonal Hearing For Rivers, C’River, Akwa Ibom In Calabar

A press statement issued by the Chief Press Secretary to the Cross River State Governor, Mr Linus Obogo, disclosed that the Calabar Centre — designated as Centre B — will host representatives and stakeholders from Cross River, Rivers, and Akwa Ibom States.
The public hearing is scheduled to take place on Saturday, July 19, 2025, at 10:00 a.m. at the Transcorp (Metropolitan) Hotel, Calabar.
The initiative, according to the statement, is designed to promote inclusive dialogue and capture the aspirations of Nigerians from all regions.
It aims to serve as a platform for citizens to contribute meaningfully to the ongoing national efforts to refine and strengthen the country’s legal and institutional frameworks.
“Citizens, civil society groups, professional bodies, traditional rulers, and other interest blocs are invited to participate in this landmark engagement aimed at advancing a more just, equitable, and responsive Nigerian Constitution,” the statement read.
The hearing forms part of the broader review process of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), and is seen as a strategic move toward fostering national unity and addressing structural legal issues within the federation.
Politics
Tinubu’s Contribution To Buhari’s Presidency Marginal – Ex-SGF

For the first time since 2022, when then-presidential aspirant Alhaji Bola Tinubu declared he made former President Buhari Nigeria’s President in 2015, Mr Mustapha dismissed the claims, stressing that the merger only contributed about three million votes in addition to Buhari’s existing 12 million votes in the North.
He insisted that former President Buhari’s integrity, national stature, and disciplined messaging were central to the breakthrough, not the three million votes from the merging parties, which he described as insignificant.
Speaking on the role of the merging parties, particularly President Tinubu, the leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Mr Mustapha, who was the keynote speaker at the launch of the book ‘According to the President: Lessons from a Presidential Spokesman’s Experience’ authored by Mallam Garba Shehu, described the impact of the votes from other merging parties as very insignificant.
In attendance were former Head of State Yakubu Gowon, chair of the event; immediate past Vice President Yemi Osinbajo; SGF George Akume, who represented President Tinubu; PDP’s 2023 presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar; former Chief of Staff to Buhari Ibrahim Gambari; elder statesman Babagana Kingibe; former governors Nasir El-Rufai (Kaduna), Kayode Fayemi (Ekiti), Chris Ngige (Anambra), Rauf Aregbesola (Osun), Raji Babatunde Fashola (Lagos); former ministers Solomon Dalung and Sunday Dare; former Army Chief Tukur Buratai, and Bayo Onanuga, President Tinubu’s spokesman, among others.
According to Mr Mustapha, “I do not intend to stir up any controversy. The merger in 2013 was midwifed to create a Buhari presidency. Let us look at the statistics. In the 2003 election, it was the Obasanjo-Buhari presidential contest where Buhari recorded 12.7 million votes. In 2007, it came to 6.6 million, and it went back to 12.2 million in 2011.
“When we were conceptualising the merger, what would give us a headstart? Obviously, it was at the back of our consciousness that the merger with the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), though it had only one state, the ACN had six states, ANPP three states, and when you sum up the total votes that we had as the presidency in 2015, the aggregate of the total votes was 15.4 million.
“So, basically, what we brought to the table after the merger outside the Buhari 12.5 million votes was three million. Before turning to that presidency, it is important to recognise the former President’s role in reshaping Nigeria’s political trajectory.
“In early 2013, as the leader of the CPC, Buhari formally requested and supported the creation of a CPC merger committee, part of a broader coalition-building process that brought together the ACN, ANPP, APGA faction, and elements of the ruling party through the breakaway ‘new PDP’ group. His endorsement and participation, along with other party leaders such as President Tinubu and Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, lent credibility and direction to the merger, helping to unify disparate party factions under the banner of the APC. That coalition-building paved the way for the first democratic defeat of an incumbent ruling party in Nigeria’s history.
“President Buhari’s integrity, national stature, and disciplined messaging were central to that breakthrough. No account of President Buhari’s tenure would be complete without acknowledging the extended periods he spent on medical leave. These moments, while politically delicate, were also telling of his leadership philosophy and personality,” he said.
In his remarks, President Tinubu promised to build on the legacies of former President Buhari, stressing that “nation-building is a relay. The efforts of one administration lay the foundation for the next.
“In this regard, I acknowledge the efforts of my predecessor, President Buhari, and assure all Nigerians that the reform-oriented path he initiated will be consolidated and strengthened under this administration. Our Renewed Hope Agenda is inspired by the desire to build a resilient, just, and inclusive Nigeria—a nation that delivers dividends of democracy to all its citizens”.
Politics
Your Lies Chasing Investors From Nigeria, Omokri Slams Obi
Speaking during an appearance on live television on Wednesday, Mr Omokri alleged that Mr Obi’s statements were misleading and damaging to the country’s economic prospects.
Mr Omokri said some investors currently operating in Nigeria were considering exiting the market due to Mr Obi’s remarks.
“That is not true. He doesn’t rile me up. I rile him up. The reason why I came here is because I’m a patriot. Peter Obi lied. You know, foreign direct investors are watching your programme, who are making investment decisions not to come to Nigeria. There are foreign investors in Nigeria that are making investment decisions to leave Nigeria because of the lie he told.
“One of the lies he told is that President Tinubu has borrowed more than the administrations of Yar’Adua, Jonathan, Buhari. That is a blatant lie”, Mr Omokri said.
To buttress his claims, Mr Omokri referenced figures from the Debt Management Office (DMO), maintaining that President Tinubu had actually reduced Nigeria’s external debt burden since assuming office.
“I have here with me data from the Debt Management Office, and Nigerians who are watching can go to DMO.com and search Debt Management Office, Nigeria State of Indebtedness 2015.
“As of 2015, Nigeria was owing a total of $63 billion. When Buhari was leaving office, Nigeria was owing $113 billion. Today, from the DMO, our debt has gone from $113 billion to $97 billion, meaning that Tinubu has reduced our debt by over $14 billion.
“We should be appreciating this man. Yet Peter Obi came here and lied to the Nigerian people. He took the debts and translated them into naira to make it look like the debts have increased”, he said.
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