Editorial
Whither The Electoral Act?

Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, announced on Wednesday, April 28, 2021 at a one-day Public Hearing on the National Electoral Offences Commission (Establishment) Bill 2021, organised by the Senate Committee on INEC in Abuja, that the 2023 general elections will hold on Saturday, 18th February, 2023, which is exactly one year, nine months, two weeks and six days or 660 days from today.
Promising to release the timetable and schedule of activities for the elections after the forthcoming Anambra State governorship election on November 6 this year, the INEC boss underlined the need for “clarity and certainty about the electoral legal framework to govern the election “going forward but expressed the hope that the “National Assembly will do the needful”.
There are many Nigerians who believe that the country was denied the opportunity of a freer, fairer and more credible electoral process in 2019 when President Muhammadu Buhari, on Friday, December 7, for the fourth and final time declined to assent to the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill 2018 with the lame excuse that the 2019 electoral process may be disrupted if he signed the bill into law.
Of course, the dominant opinion around the country was that the President’s decision was ill-advised and selfish with many calling the National Assembly to veto the President’s assent. Indeed, many believed that the amendment proposed by the bill was aimed at making the 2019 general elections credible with the use of the smart card reader and electronic transmission of election results from the polling units as some of the innovations that would have been introduced to minimize electoral fraud and sanitise the system.
However, with the 2019 general elections gone, there was high expectation amongst Nigerians that the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill will be among the first legislative items to be attended to and dispensed with by the 9th National Assembly, especially against the background that the legislative chambers are hugely populated by members of the 8th Assembly that passed the ill-fated bill.
As it has turned out, the bill that seeks to repeal the Electoral Act 2010 and enact the Independent National Electoral Commission Act 2020 (HB 981) only passed for second reading on the floor of the House of Representatives on Tuesday. November 24, 2020.
Leading the debate at plenary, Hon. Aisha Duku (APC Gombe) outlined a number of challenges the bill seeks to address including a the restriction for qualification for elective office to relevant provisions of the 1999 Constitution (As Amended(; (b) the use of Smart Card Readers (SCR) and other technological devices in elections and political party primaries; (c) The time line for the submission of candidates and criteria for substitution of candidates; (d) The limit of campaign expenses; and (e) Addressing the omission of names of candidates or logo of political parties.
Accordingly, some of the sections of the Act to be altered include: 1. Section 3 (2) (a) which deals with Time line for the Release of Funds to the Commission; 2. Section 2b (3) (4) which deals with the Conduct and Postponement of Election in an Emergency 3. Section 28 (1) which deals with the Oath of Neutrality by Election Officers; 4. Section 30 which deals with The Notice of Election; 5. Section 34 which deals with the Publication of Nomination; 6. Section 36 (1) which deals with the Death of candidate; 7. Section 38 which deals with the failure of nomination; 8. Section 42 (1) (2) which deals with the Establishment of Poling Units; 9. Section 49 (1) (2) which deals with the issue of Ballot paper; 10. Section 52 (1) which deals with the Conduct of poll by open secret ballot; 11. Section 85 which deals with Notice of convention, Congress, etc; 12. Section 90 (1) which deals with the power to Limit Contribution to a political party; 13. Section 91 which deals with the Limitation on Election Expenses; and 14. Section 99 which deals with the Limitation on Political Broadcast and campaign by political parties.
Hon. Duku who expressed the hope that the bill will plug loopholes in our electoral system by amending over 300 causes (including new provisions) of the Electoral Act 2010, also noted that “In addition to this are concerns that the legal framework on certain issues should be well settled ahead of the 2023 elections such as the use of technological devices like the Smart Card Reader and electronic voting system”.
The President of the Nigerian Senate, Ahmad Lawan raised the hope of Nigerians for an amended Electoral Act that could advance the cause of the political system when he disclosed that the National Assembly would pass the Independent National Electoral Commission Act 2020 in June, 2021. While answering questions after delivering a lecture at the National Defence College, Course 29 Programme in Abuja on February 2, this year, Senator Lawan said, “we are currently working on the Electoral Act. We want to amend it and we intend to achieve the amendment before June or thereabout”, adding that “our intention in the National Assembly with this is to further sanitise the electoral environment and empower the seamless, transparent and very open sort of election where a winner and a loser will be glad that he lost in a very fair contest. So, we are working on this and we hope that the 2023 general elections will see less of electoral violence because the law itself would have been further improved”.
Mr Lawan who also hinted at the setting up of an Electoral Offences Commission through the amendment bill in the works, expressed the confidence that the 2023 general elections will experience significant reduction in electoral violence after the passage of the legal framework that will govern the conduct of the polls. “Let me give some commendation to the National Assembly for continuously working on the Electoral Act to provide for a better electoral environment in Nigeria”, he said, adding that “ I also believe, and that is the position of the National Assembly, that we should have the Electoral Offences Commission so that people who are involved in electoral violence will be prosecuted. I believe that it will go a long way in reducing and minimizing all these tendencies of people taking laws into their hands”.
The Tide strongly believes in the efficacy of the proposed amendments to largely address the debilitating challenges that have crippled our electoral system and therefore urges the National Assembly to leave nothing to chance in ensuring that it keeps absolute faith with the June, 2021 deadline it has set for itself to pass the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill.
We believe that this will not only rule out any excuse of closeness to election as canvassed by the President the last time but will also create the opportunity for the law to be test-run in the forthcoming Anambra State governorship election in November this year prior to its full scale application in 2023.
Editorial
Benue Killings: Beyond Tinubu’s Visit

The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Editorial
Responding To Herders’ Threat In Rivers

Editorial
Democracy Day: So Far…

Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.
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