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Editorial

Task Before New IGP

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As Nigerians eagerly awaited judicial pronouncement that would have sealed the constitutionality or otherwise of the extention of service period for former Inspector General of Police (IGP), Mohammed Adamu, by the court on April 16, 2021, President Muhammadu Buhari, acting through his Minister of Police Affairs, Maigari Dingyadi, aborted that expectation when he announced the appointment of Usman Alkali Baba, as the 21st indigenous IGP to replace Adamu in acting capacity on April 6, 2021.
Until that appointment, Usman Baba who holds a Master’s Degree in Public Administration, was the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) in charge of Force Criminal Intelligence and Investigation Department (FCIID) at Force Headquarters, Abuja. He had also served as Force Secretary, Commissioner of Police in Delta State, the Federal Capital Territory, as well as being the Assistant Inspector General (AIG) in charge of Zones 4, 5 and 7, respectively.
Being the third in a row of Northern Muslims appointed into that position by President Buhari, there are many who see the President’s action as not only insensitive but a brazen disregard for the increasing tension in the land occasioned by heightening clamour against perceived sense of exclusion and frustration, given vent in violent rage against the state.
There are other Nigerians who think that the president acted without due process in the appointment of the new IGP without recourse to the Police Council as required by law. The argument is that it is erroneous for the president to rely only on Section 171 of the Constitution without taking due regard to the Third Schedule Section 215 (2)) of the same 1999 Constitution in the discharge of his function as touching the subject matter.
Created by Section 153 of the Constitution, the Police Council which has the President as chairman and the 36 state governors as members is saddled with the responsibility of appointing the IGP based on the recommendation of the Police Service Commission. As things stand, there is no indication that even the Police Service Commission was involved in the appointment of Usman Baba. For many, this is a disservice to the nation and an apparent breaking of the law by the President himself.
While The Tide agrees that the President ought to have exercised better discretion, sensitivity, circumspection and adherence to the rule of law in his choice of a new helmsman for the Nigerian Police Force at this time, the fact cannot be denied that the task before IGP Baba is very huge and challenging and requires uncommon bravery, courage, ingenuity, resourcefulness, patriotism and sincerity of purpose to surmount.
It is not for nothing that Usman Baba’s appointment was announced while his predecessor was on an on-the-spot assessment of one of the most massive destructions ever visited upon the headquarters of a police command and a correctional facility in the country. It is also instructional that barely 48 hours upon his assumption of duty, five state governors, acting in concert, proclaimed the establishment of a regional security outfit, following the footsteps of some others who had gone before.
The truth of the matter is that Nigeria at the moment faces an existential threat, not from without but from within its borders. With festering insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, farmers-herder’s deadly confrontations in the South West, North Central and South’ South, and a fledging insurrection in the South East, a general sense of insecurity pervades the entire landscape of Nigeria.
In the last three months, bandits have attacked and kidnapped students from four different schools in the North West region with some students of the Federal College of Forestry Mechanisation in Kaduna State still being held by their captors. Attack on police formations and killing of law enforcement personnel is almost becoming a daily occurrence. Separatist voices are getting louder while ethnic war lords are springing up in their numbers. Kidnapping, cultism and sundry violent and deadly crimes are spinning out of control. In fact, there is an intolerable level of breakdown of law and order while overall safety and security of lives and property have reached an all-time low in the country.
To say the least, lack of security and effective and efficient enforcement of law and order fueled by uncontrolled influx of small arms and light weapons is the unfortunate reality in Nigeria. There are indeed, those who describe the country as a failing state because of the level of lawlessness and the security agencies’ seeming lack of capacity and capability to stem the overwhelming tide. Perhaps, the job of maintenance of law and order in Nigeria has never been this challenging and it is now the unenviable lot of IGP Usman Baba to put a lead on the spiraling ugly situation and give his compatriots a new hope of a safe and secure environment for their lives and property.
However, for the police to be able to undertake this task effectively, it must itself attain certain basic standard requirements. To begin with, the police are ill-equipped and understaffed. Clearly, adequate equipment of the police in the light of the equality and calibre of weapons in the hands of the criminals is a fundamental requirement if they are to make any impact at all.
The new IGP must also work with relevant authorities to ensure that the personnel strength of the force is significantly increased in order to have enough manpower for the work. The situation where you have less than one million officers to police about 200 million people is no longer sustainable.
Deliberate purposeful efforts must be made to earn the people’s trust and confidence for the police to achieve results. The police cannot continue to be in confrontation with the same people they’re paid to protect. The need for a properly trained, highly professional and truly civil police force cannot be overemphasized.
IGP Usman Baba must also work to ensure that the police does not find itself working at cross purposes with sister security agencies but always endeavour to fashion out workable synergy and partnerships for the overall good of the country. The Nigeria Police Force needs to reform itself, motivate its officers and men through adequate remuneration and the provision of welfare packages that will boost their morale and reduce their tendency to be compromised without much ado.
Of course, IGP Usman Baba has already made public his new policing vision to include: Deploying cutting-edge policing technology; integrating intelligence-led policing practices to core policing functions with a view to strengthening police capacity to stabilize the internal security order; and restoring public confidence in the force.
Of course, IGP Usman Baba will require the support, assistance and cooperation of the Federal Government as well all Nigerians to succeed but he must work to justify the confidence reposed in him by the president and prove himself worthy to be taken seriously by the people.

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Editorial

That FG’s Ban On Twitter

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Twenty-two years after quitting military rule, Nigeria is steadily sliding back into full dictatorship under President Muhammadu Buhari. The President is reverting to his well-known authoritarian style of the 1980s, demonstrating growing intolerance of the press and civil society organisations that “challenge” his administration. 
In an inelegant display of anger and lack of critical reflection unbecoming of an elected government, and apathy to our rights, the Federal Government on June 4, 2021, announced an indefinite ban on the operations of Twitter in Nigeria after the social media site erased a tweet by President Muhammadu Buhari, threatening secessionist groups in the South-East. 
In the deleted provocative post, Buhari had tweeted, “Many of those misbehaving today are too young to be aware of the destruction and loss of lives that occurred during the Nigerian Civil War. Those of us in the fields for 30 months, who went through the war, will treat them in the language they understand.” 
Nigerian Twitter users expressed outrage at the blocking of one of the main platforms they have to evaluate their government and hold them accountable. Many evaded the suspension by using Virtual Private Networks (VPN) to access the service, raising questions as to the effectiveness of the ban. 
Most shamefully, the embargo adds Nigeria to the catalogue of some autocratic countries where Twitter has been suspended or banned. As a yearning liberal democracy, it is depressing to be found in the same association of social media intimidators like China, Iran, Turkey, North Korea and Turkmenistan, among others. Under Buhari, Nigeria is sliding towards fascism. There must be vigorous push-back.
Apparently outraged by defiance of the prohibition, the Attorney General, Abubakar Malami, authorised the prosecution of anyone caught flouting the ban. However, the declaration neither specified how Twitter users would be identified for prosecution nor did it prescribe the punishment. 
Buhari, in the controversial tweet, drew a nexus between Nigeria’s Civil War decades ago and raids on offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) by incendiaries and gunmen in the South-East which proclaimed itself the Republic of Biafra in 1967 and combated a devastating war for secession. The President was a commander of the Nigerian government during the war. 
The administration attracted considerable disdain when the Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, openly declared the suspension and accused Twitter of “the persistent use of the platform for activities that are capable of undermining Nigeria’s corporate existence.”
Associations, civil society groups and lawyers have rightly criticised and condemned the order. Despair has come from foreign missions that strongly support the fundamental human rights of free expression and access to information as a pillar of democracy in Nigeria and the world. 
Even diplomats from the European Union, United Kingdom, Ireland, Norway and Canada denounced the move in a joint statement. The United States embassy in Nigeria likewise declared that the ban “undermines Nigerians’ ability to exercise freedom of expression” and “sends a poor message to its citizens, investors and businesses”. 
We equally decry Twitter’s proscription because it constitutes a gross abuse of office, as it elevates the personal interest of the President above that of the country and her citizens. The President is indeed not the State and differences over the personal terms he willingly entered with Twitter must not threaten the public and national interest. 
Furthermore, the ban is a serious infraction of the Nigerian Constitution, which the trio of the President, the Ministers of Information and Justice vowed to defend. By infringing on citizens’ fundamental rights to the freedom of expression and association, it transgresses Section 39 of the Constitution, while weakening the social and economic rights guaranteed Nigerian citizens by Chapter 11 of the Constitution.
The ban similarly constitutes an unwarranted attack on the corporate, business and professional interests of organisations and individuals legitimately managing their affairs on Twitter, including but not limited to the media, entrepreneurs, researchers, educational institutions, and Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). 
As of the third quarter of 2020, Twitter accounted for 61.4 per cent of internet users in Nigeria, coming after WhatsApp and Facebook messenger, according to ‘Statista’, while ‘Quora’ estimates the number to be about seven million. Even if the number of users is vastly less, it still does not excuse a ban that is jeopardising the means of business and social communication of citizens.
However, while the ignominious action of the Nigerian government stands excoriating, Twitter must be alive to its responsibility by always watching out for and promptly deleting insalubrious tweets or suspend accounts of those who violate its rules to ensure that the platform provides a safer space for healthy discourse. Specifically, Nigerians who post potentially offensive and disrespectful contents must keep a very wary distance from such practice. Twitter should sanction defaulters for the stability of our nation.
We believe that the current Twitter ban is a poorly concealed dress rehearsal for the full censorship of all social media operations in Nigeria. This is bolstered by recent reports that the Federal Government was in talks with the Chinese authorities to build an internet firewall to block any unwanted organ. Nigerians must strive to end this crawling dictatorship now.

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Editorial

Whither Nigeria’s Democracy?

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It will be precisely 28 years tomorrow when a historic presidential election was held and its outcome criminally overturned by a savage government. Former Military President Ibrahim Babangida’s decision to annul the poll particularly had sinister, dehumanising and macabre political motives. However, the emerging national battle for liberty produced an incredibly defective Constitution, which returned the country to civil rule on May 29, 1999.
What eventually resulted in the recognition of June 12 by the President, Muhammadu Buhari, as the annual Democracy Day was the commitment of Nigerians to the ideals of that day. The day is also to commemorate the 1993 general election when the Nigerian people, across ethnic, religious and demographic fault lines, invested their hopes in freedom in Moshood Abiola, the winner of the poll and the supreme sacrifice he paid in his quest to reclaim his victory. 
But almost three decades after, rather than broad revelries, misery still dissipates throughout the land as Nigerians face the painful reality that the democratic pledge of liberty and the pursuit of prosperity have been soured terribly by visionless leadership, a warped Constitution and a complacent citizenry. Instead of the solemn declaration of democracy, the people paid dearly for the lethal combination that has merely delivered a civil rule with all its attendant declines.
Today, Nigeria is an empirical exhibit of a failed state. Nigerians are now realising the hard way that entrenching democracy goes beyond outward adornment of periodic elections, the presence of legislature and other extremely chaotic symbols of government. Democracy has become a mere covering for a few to seize power and public treasury when the institutions fails to achieve the real democratic goals of personal, political and economic liberty and the pursuit of the greatest good for the greatest number.
More than two decades of the civil rule charade, it is numbingly sad that a majority of Nigerians do not discern their lives to be better. Corruption still defines governance, as well as poverty, inequality, economic loss, inefficiency, public and private sector dysfunction, poor infrastructure, failed economic and political systems, impunity, injustice, organised crime, terrorism and diminished state capacity. 
Corruption has become the new normal as public frustration and cynicism pervade the land. The fundamental elements of democracy — rule of law, social justice, citizens’ participation, responsible political parties, active free press, independent parliament and judiciary, in nominal existence, are similarly under the onslaught. Secessionist agitations are getting robust. If democracy truly thrives in the country, why do we have all these crises? 
Our progress can only be measured by how far the country has gone in attaining these key elements of democracy. Sadly, for the past 28 years, it has been difficult to deepen these basic values because the executive arm is incompetent, the legislature pathetically weak and the judiciary dangerously yielded. The three, of course, share a common DNA — corruption. Despots have been parading themselves as democrats and their common enemy is free speech.
The visionless Buhari regime is also trying to intimidate the media into docility. The regime is planning to criminalise “hate speech,” under a law that may require mass surveillance and close monitoring of social media. Yet, it is acknowledged in free societies that what counts as offensive is subjective, so “hate speech” laws can be elastic tools for criminalising dissent.
One of the good things about the commemoration of Democracy Day in the country is that it should ideally cause a deep, national reflection on where we are coming from, the journey so far, and a re-energised commitment to stay the course. 
Democracy Day is not just another public holiday or an opportunity for ceremonies with vacuous speeches. It is a serious business. It is the best test we can give ourselves to determine how deeply rooted we are or how far we have strayed from upholding the fundamental doctrines of respect for the rule of law, free press, and respect for human rights.
The day should also be a gauge to measure the level of maturity of our political process in the conduct of free, fair and credible elections, and the quality of our civic engagements. How do we know if we have made progress? By asking questions. And if by doing so, it is clear that we have not, the question, then is: what are we celebrating?
This year’s Democracy Day is another opportunity to reaffirm an unbending commitment to governance that holds the rule of law in the highest esteem and prioritises the right of every citizen. It must also be a time to hold conversations on the kind of leadership that can unite the diverse peoples of Nigeria in the days ahead. 
We cannot over-emphasise the power of visionary leadership in fostering strong democratic doctrines in Nigeria. That is the only way progress can be made on our democratic journey and we can once again be a shining example to the rest of the world. If that is not the purpose of the day, then what exactly are we celebrating?

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Editorial

Governance And Peer Review Mechanism

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The Nigerian governance structure is predicated on the principle of federalism. The implication is that there are other levels of governance in Nigeria that make up the federation. Government at the Centre exercises exclusive list in certain areas of governance and enjoys concurrency with state Government in others. In principle there should be a residual list of governance items, but this does not exist in actual practice as the local government administration is yet to enjoy full autonomy.
The various state Governments exercise concurrent list of governance items with the federal government in such areas as Education, Road infrastructure, Health, Environment and others.In the area of security, the constitutional provision which states that the business of Government is the protection of lives and propertyof citizens applies to all the levels of Government.However, the convoluted nature of governance structure where the federal government is in control of too many governance items has made the management of security architecture by the states very difficult, but not impossible. Governors who are described as the chief security officers of their states, cannot not have full control of the Armed forces and police. For example the commissioners of police take instructions from the Centre, precisely from the Inspector General of Police.
The states and local Government areas are the closest government to the people. This gives the states gargantuan responsibilities and challenges. The states owe their citizens more responsibilities than the federal Government but have limited resources and powers to accomplish them despite their potentials in natural resources and revenue generation. Unfortunately, the states are held down by the absence of Fiscal Federalism in the Nigerian Federation.
These challenges and more have affected and afflicted development in the states in the areas of infrastructural development, poverty alleviation, environmental control, security and human capital development.Some commentators are of the opinion that the impoverishment of the states by the federal government is partly responsible for the spread of insecurity, growing agitations and secessionists tendencies in Nigeria.
Peer Review Mechanism can be a major tool which the states can use to alleviate their burden. It is in consonance with the local aphorism that problems shared are problems solved. Peer review mechanism can be referred to as self-assessment for good governance by peers in similar enterprise.
For example, peer review mechanism is an instrument of Governance among African States tagged the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) .It is a mutually agreed instrument which member states of African union acceded to as a”self-monitoring mechanism”. This self-assessment is to encourage conformity with regards to political, economic and corporate governance values among member states. It is important to observe that the African union Agenda 2063 and sustainable Development Goals 2030 have been monitored and evaluated by AU members through Peer Review Mechanism instruments.
Simply put peer review is the evaluation of values by one or more people with similar competencies. Governors of states who are saddled with governance challenges can go into self-assessment of their governance capacity by looking at what other governors have done in their states, evaluate and copy for the development of their own states.It could also be a source of motivation for good governance.
Peer Review Mechanism is not a copy and paste mechanism, it should be a positive way of avoiding the pitfalls of a particular governance style while evaluating and copying what is good.Peer Review Mechanism as an instrument of governance in Nigeria has very fertile pedestal. Different regions in Nigeria have platforms where their Governors gather to foster social, political and economic integration. These groupings are envisioned to rub minds on development issues in their various states. In the south-south there is the BRACED.There are others including the South East Governors forum, South West Governors forum and the various Governors fora of political parties as well as the southern Governors forum recently convoked.Governors in these groupings can pick up models of development from their colleagues after thorough evolution of such projects on how they can impact meaningfully and add values to their constituents. For example, the south East Governors can copy models of development from Ebonyi State where the Governor has defined Governance through infrastructural development and little bits of what other Governors are doing.
Governor NyesonWike stands tall in the south-south. There are so much the Governors of south-south and indeed Nigerian Governors can learn, from him, especially his prowess in prudent management of Resources, Revenue Generation and infrastructural development, particularly in the area of Road infrastructure, tertiary education and Health. The sign posts in these areas of development are models that can be copied by sister states.
Also, Lagos state as the center of excellence and industrial development has a lot of exemplary blue prints and projects execution that other states in the west and even the country at large can copy. It only requires a proper study and evaluation.So many states in Nigeria picked the traffic control model of Lagos state in their LASMA scheme. This is a good example of peer review in the right direction. Recently the Nigerian Guild of Editors went to kano for their Bienal convention and one of the highlights of their trip was the inspection of projects embarked upon by the kano state Government in the last six years.
What stood out in all the projects executed by Governor Ganduje is the security infrastructure. The entire state capital is covered with CCTV Cameras that monitor every movement in and around the metropolis. This model in security architecture can be copied by the states in the North especially in the North East to stem the tide of insurgency and banditry in the region. This is what Peer Review Mechanism entails.
Let the Governors exchange ideas and rub minds to move their state forward in the realm of development.

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