Editorial
WWD: Beyond The Rituals
Every year on the 22nd of March, World Water Day is celebrated to focus on the importance of water
and the need to preserve it. Water is important for a healthy body. We all know that. This is why the United Nations General Assembly specifically designated this day in 1993 to call attention to the water-related challenges people residing without access to water face.
The positive idea for this global day goes back to 1992, the year in which the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, took place. That same year, the United Nations General Assembly formally adopted a resolution by which 22 March of each year was declared World Day for Water, to be observed with effect from 1993.
This year´s theme: ‘Valuing Water’ is about what water means to us, its true value and how we can better guard this necessary resource. The value of water is much more than its price – water has substantial and complicated value for our households, culture, fitness, education, economics and the integrity of our natural environment.
The quantity and quality of water available for human consumption today has been affected by damaged ecosystems. Now, about 2.2 billion people do not have safe drinking water at home; it will affect their health, education and overall livelihood. Based on this knowledge, UN member states and agencies and various other non-governmental organisations have actively participated in promoting the protection of clean water.
Today, water is under intense danger from a developing population, growing needs of agriculture and industry, and the worsening influences of climate change. The growing importance of water is interlinked between households, culture, health, education, economics and the integrity of our herbal environment. As societies balance the demands on water assets, the pursuits of many are not being taken into account.
The UN uses today to emphasise the importance of water. The campaign shows how our maximum use of water can help reduce floods, droughts, shortages and pollution, and how we can help ourselves deal with climate change. By adapting to the impact of climate change on water, the UN thinks that health can be protected and lives saved. And, by using water more efficiently, we all can help reduce greenhouse gases.
For the power sector and other businesses, water-related threats such as water scarcity, flooding and climate change can push up costs and totally disrupt supply chains. On the other hand, corporate mismanagement of water can harm ecosystems and damage reputations and affect sales.
According to the UN, there are 129 countries not on course to have sustainably managed water resources by 2030 and the current rate of development must be doubled. More than three billion people are at danger because of the lack of data on the health of their rivers, lakes and groundwater.
For Nigeria, the lackadaisical strategies to problems of water and energy are hard to realise against the understanding of the general enhancements they can make on lives, including growing jobs across industries and diverse enterprises. Nigeria’s state of affairs is worse: we do not have potable water.
A report released by the World Bank in 2017, said Nigeria provided clean water to fewer than 10 per cent of its city dwellers in 2015, down from 29 per cent in 25 years earlier i.e. 1990. Potable water supply cannot match the tempo of the country’s population growth. For this reason, Nigerians desperately look for water to satisfy their home and other needs and are at the mercy of water providers who frequently supply hazardous and poorly packaged water.
Responsibility for water supply in the country is shared among the three levels of government. The Federal Government is in charge of water resources management; state governments have the primary duty for urban water supply and local governments together with the communities are responsible for rural water supply. The government at all levels needs to urgently provide better water supplies to the citizenry.
Over the past three years, the Rivers State Government has undertaken a dynamic attempt to reform the water sector to reinforce service delivery. As part of the reform, an in-depth design was prepared in June 2011 for the rehabilitation and enlargement of the Port Harcourt water supply scheme, which forms the premise for this project.
Since Governor NyesomWike assumed office in 2015, reasonable efforts have been made in developing the water sector. For instance, the water projects in rural communities like Abonnema, Idama, Elem Sangama, Obonoma, Idama, Angulama, amongst others, have been completed and they now have direct access to potable water. Meanwhile, Port Harcourt and Obio/Akpor water projects are ongoing. They will serve residents of both councils when finished off.
Also, all remodelled and upgraded schools in the state have potable water. Schools like County Grammar School, Ikwerre/Etche, Government Secondary School, Abua, Government Secondary School, Ogu, Birabi Memorial Grammar School, Bori, Government Girls Secondary School, Rumuokwuta, and many others, were provided with drinkable water upon completion.
However, the state government should without delay begin the proposed water certification scheme to guard residents of the state against being constantly endangered following continued intake of noxious water. Steps should be taken to make sure that facilities used by ‘pure water’ producers go through a standard laboratory test.
There is a need for collaboration with the Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON) and the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) to similarly examine the quality of the waterproof used to bag the product as many manufacturers have been found to utilise the lowest quality of waterproof in the industry.
Though the provision of water supply is capital intensive, it is a primary necessity for the well-being of the citizenry. The government can venture into water supply through Public-Private Partnership to make certain adequate production, distribution and possibly the sale of potable water across the country. Above all, the Federal Government should put into effect fully the provisions of the authorised 2000 Nigeria’s National Water Supply and Sanitation Policy.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.