Editorial
Nyesom Wike: Celebrating A Trail Blazer
Nyesom Ezebunwo Wike was born into the Christian family of Revd. and Deaconess (Mrs.) Nlemanya Wike, from Rumuepirikom community in Obio/ Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State. He is a complete Ikwerre son and proud Rivers man and had his early education in Rivers State before proceeding to study Law at the Rivers State University. Today, he is a recognized legal luminary and a distinguished Life Bencher.
In the political terrain, Nyesom Wike, after a brief working period in private legal practice, embraced his true leadership calling and started from the very scratch, when he contested the election as the Executive Chairman of Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, with the return of democracy in 1999.
He won the election and was re-elected for a second term as a result of his phenomenal performance which was so remarkable that he transformed and positively re-positioned the Council into one of the most productive and dynamic local government Councils in the country.
By the end of his tenure as Chairman, Obio/Akpor Local Government had fully and proudly taken its pride of place and transformed into a beehive of commerce and other post modern trappings, in what has been described by many as the golden years of the Council.
He then moved up to the bigger political space from Local Government to the State level to play a key role in the post-Sir Peter Odili tenure.
Those who understood and followed the politics of Rivers State at that time, were fully aware of the vision of Sir Peter Odili and what transpired in the succession battle to take over from him in 2007. Suffice it to say that when the electoral and legal dusts finally settled, the anticipated balance was eventually achieved and it is germane to note that Nyesom Wike played what many have come to accept as an unparalleled pivotal role in achieving political stability in Rivers State in that turbulent season of succession; a story which has still not been fully written for posterity.
By virtue of his admirable administrative savvy in office and immense political stature, he was appointed Chief of Staff during the first tenure of Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi’s government.
Indeed, the unprecedented role and sacrifice Nyesom Wike made to resolve the 2007 governorship debacle, stabilize the leadership and sustain the Rivers political structure in the eight years that followed the election in the state, still remain largely unsung.
It was arguably in recognition of his impressive efforts and contributions, both as a staunch party man and an unflinching stakeholder in the promotion of the Niger Delta political advocacy and also to have a trusted ally in the Federal cabinet, that President Goodluck Jonathan appointed him as the Minister of State(Education) of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, on July 14, 2011.
Wike became a full Minister, though initially in an acting capacity of the Education Ministry, from September 2013, when the substantive Minister, Prof. Ruqayyah Ahmed Rufa’i, who was appointed on April 6, 2010, was relieved of her position. He discharged the duties of his new portfolio with great efficiency.
However, the build up to the 2015 general elections and especially, the Governorship election in Rivers State with the attendant highly combustible succession situation that emerged, required greater courage and extraordinary tactical and strategic political brilliance to confront and surmount it.
Bitterness, laced with provocative and acerbic language had already been injected into the once peaceful political ambience of Rivers State.
In the words of Sir Winston Churchill, one time British Prime Minister: “One ought never to turn one’s back on threatened danger or try to run away from it. If you do that, you will double the danger. But if you meet it promptly and without flinching, you will reduce the danger by half. Never run away from anything”.
The world will always stand still for those who take responsibilities and while those that take responsibilities will stand to be counted, those who choose to sit on the fence and do nothing will have their names consigned to the wilderness of history.
With this driving mantra in mind, Nyesom Wike voluntarily resigned as the Minister of Education to contest for the Governorship of Rivers State under the PDP and take charge of the structure that would eventually save the State from the fate that would have befallen it, just like he did in 2007, to uphold the clarion call of “Rivers First” in all considerations.
Nyesom Wike is loved by his people. That is why he has metamorphosed into an unstoppable movement and in the titanic electoral battles that was waged for the soul of Rivers State in 2015 and 2019 respectively, he came out triumphant in the governorship elections.
It has rightly been pointed out by discerning analysts and Rivers commentators alike, that Governor Wike met an economy that had been bruised and battered, by the time he took over as governor on May 29, 2015, and all he has done since that day, has been to unlock the economic potentials of Rivers State and attract investors back to their once-beloved Garden City.
He has set about his task with a single-minded determination and firm leadership to re-organize the security architecture, which had so nearly been completely mortgaged, re-order the socio-political and infrastructural priorities and transform the landscape of Port Harcourt with marvellous infrastructural aesthetics befitting a state capital.
Rivers State has gradually been positioned in the last five years as a dynamic and competitive modern hub for the vicissitudes of the present and the challenges of the future.
Governor Wike’s second term started with the same verve, zeal and committed focus which defined the first term and things were moving smoothly, until the deadly coronavirus broke out as a global pandemic that destabilized the whole world.
Many leaders are still grappling with this challenge but Governor Wike has displayed courageous, pragmatic and focused leadership, not only in the management of the Covid-19 situation, but particularly, with the numerous projects that are either ongoing or completed in the State.
Five years into his tenure, the urban renewal programme in the capital city and indeed the interconnectivity across the length and breadth of the State is progressing amazingly.
In addition, the brilliant economic module of strategically concessioning major government owned assets to willing and capable private investors, which had already started with the Afam Cassava processing plant, is a critical futuristic component that is already on stream and will create massive jobs for the youths and unemployed.
By a combination of unshakable commitment and an unwavering visionary drive to ensure the delivery of excellent legacy projects, the infrastructural development of Rivers State is inclusively holistic.
Contrary to the notions and misleading opinions of critics, who have not traversed the State to actually see things for themselves, a transformational and aesthetic metamorphosis is actually taking place all over Rivers State, which will unravel fully with time.
Governor Wike has already confirmed that his administration will not leave any abandoned project when his tenure comes to an end in 2023.
In the political arena, Governor Wike has also transformed Rivers State into the political headquarters of the South South geo-political zone. Port Harcourt, the capital city hosted two very successful Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Congresses and has been the home for the reconciliation of many internal party conflicts.
He has also contained the opposition with deft and political brinkmanship and the way he has astutely supervised the affairs of the PDP has ensured that all the elections and Congresses in the state have been smooth, peaceful and rancour free.
There is definitely no contesting the fact that Governor Wike is a trail blazer who is building for the future and actually leading from the front. He is a promise keeper and he has kept his promises, worked hard and achieved so much more with far less resources, while providing first-class socio-economic infrastructure.
He has also kept the State and businesses safe and secure, despite the unexpected outbreak of Covid-19 and the contrived attempts to frustrate and create diversionary situations, both by internal and external forces.
His administration has remained firm and focused on this progressive trajectory, with a constant pledge to recommit to work harder and deliver greater development to Rivers people.
Like Governor Wike himself said in his inaugural second term address to Rivers people on May 29, 2020: “We know it is not going to be easy given the very poor state of the national economy and the spinoff effects on ours. But, tough times like this call for unity of thought, unity of purpose and unity of actions; believing in ourselves and in our ability to overcome all the challenges that confront us as a State and as a people.”
Indeed the story of Nyesom Wike, is the unfolding narrative of a man who, in the last half a century and counting, has not only become one of the iconic living legends of Rivers State, but is today, the Dike Ohna Ikwerre, a title reserved only for heroes, warriors and patriots of the great Ikwerre Ethnic Nationality.
Governor Nyesom Wike is a devout Christian and is happily married to Her Excellency, Justice Eberechi Suzette Wike. They are blessed with children.
There is no doubt that as he celebrates his birthday today, even his critics will agree that he is indeed a trail blazer in every sense of the word.
Happy Birthday Your Excellency.
Paulinus Nsirim, Commissioner for Information and Communications, Rivers State, wrote this comment from Port Harcourt.
The recent massacre in Yelewata, Benue State, ranks among Nigeria’s deadliest attacks of
2025. While official figures put the death toll at 59, media reports and Amnesty International estimate between 100 and 200 fatalities. This atrocity extends a decade-long pattern of violence in Nigeria’s Middle Belt, where Beacon Security data records 1,043 deaths in Benue alone between May 2023 and May 2025.
President Tinubu’s visit on 18 June—four days after the 14 June attack—has drawn sharp criticism for its lateness. This delay echoes a history of inadequate responses, with Human Rights Watch documenting similar inaction in Plateau and Kaduna states since 2013, fuelling a culture of impunity. The attack lasted over two hours without meaningful security intervention, despite claims of swift action.
The violence bore hallmarks of genocide, with survivors recounting systematic house burnings and executions. More than 2.2 million people have been displaced in the region since 2019 due to comparable attacks. Data show Benue’s agricultural output falls by 0.21 per cent in crops and 0.31 per cent in livestock for every 1 per cent rise in violence.
Security forces continue to underperform. No arrests were made following the Easter attacks in April (56 killed) or May’s Gwer West massacre (42 killed). During his visit, Tinubu questioned publicly why no suspects had been detained four days after Yelewata, highlighting entrenched accountability failures.
The roots of the conflict are complex, with climate change pushing northern herders south and 77 per cent of Benue’s population reliant on agriculture. A Tiv community leader described the violence as “calculated land-grabbing” rather than mere clashes, with over 500 deaths recorded since 2019.
Government interventions have largely fallen short. The 2018 federal task force and 2025 Forest Guards initiative failed to curb violence. Tinubu’s newly announced committee of ex-governors and traditional rulers has been met with scepticism given the litany of past unkept promises.
The economic fallout is severe. Benue’s status as Nigeria’s “food basket” is crumbling as farms are destroyed and farmers displaced. This worsens the nation’s food crisis, with hunger surges in 2023-2024 directly linked to farming disruptions caused by insecurity.
Citizens demanding justice have been met with force; protesters faced police tear gas, and the State Assembly conceded total failure in safeguarding lives, admitting that the governor, deputy, and 32 lawmakers had all neglected their constitutional responsibilities.
The massacre has drawn international condemnation. Pope Leo XIV decried the “terrible massacre,” while the UN called for an investigation. The hashtag “200 Nigerians” trended worldwide on X, with many contrasting Nigeria’s slow response to India’s swift action following a plane crash with similar fatalities.
Nigeria’s centralised security system is clearly overwhelmed. A single police force is tasked with covering 36 states and 774 local government areas for a population exceeding 200 million. Between 2021 and 2023 alone, 29,828 killings and 15,404 kidnappings were recorded nationally. Proposals for state police, floated since January 2025, remain stalled.
Other populous nations offer alternative models. Canada’s provincial police, India’s state forces, and Indonesia’s municipal units demonstrate the effectiveness of decentralised policing. Nigeria’s centralised structure creates intelligence and response gaps, worsened by the distance—both physical and bureaucratic—from Abuja to affected communities.
The immediate aftermath is dire: 21 IDP camps in Benue are overwhelmed, and a humanitarian crisis is deepening. The State Assembly declared three days of mourning (18-20 June), but survivors lack sufficient medical aid. Tragically, many of those killed were already displaced by earlier violence.
A lasting solution requires a multi-pronged approach, including targeted security deployment, regulated grazing land, and full enforcement of Benue’s 2017 Anti-Open Grazing Law. The National Economic Council’s failure to prioritise state police in May 2025 represents a missed chance for reform.
Without decisive intervention, trends suggest conditions will worsen. More than 20,000 Nigerians have been killed and 13,000 kidnapped nationwide in 2025 alone. As Governor Hyacinth Alia stressed during Tinubu’s visit, state police may be the only viable path forward. All 36 states have submitted proposals supporting decentralisation—a crucial step towards breaking Nigeria’s vicious cycle of violence.
Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in 1999 marked a watershed moment in the nation’s political history. After enduring nearly 16 years of successive military dictatorships, Nigerians embraced a new era of civil governance with the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo on May 29, 1999. Since then, the country has sustained a democratic system for 26 years. But, this democratic journey has been a complex mix of progress and persistent challenges.
The formal recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day in 2018 by former President Muhammadu Buhari acknowledged a long-standing injustice. The annulment of the 1993 presidential election, Nigeria’s freest, betrayed the democratic aspirations of millions. That it took decades to honour this date reflects the nation’s complex relationship with its democratic memory.
One of the most momentous successes of Nigeria’s democracy has been the uninterrupted civilian rule over the last two and a half decades. The country has witnessed seven general elections, with power transferring peacefully among different political parties. This is particularly notable considering that prior to 1999, no civilian government had completed a full term without military intervention. The peaceful transitions in 2007, 2015, and 2023 are testaments to Nigeria’s evolving democratic maturity.
Electoral participation, while uneven, has also reflected a level of democratic engagement. In 2003, voter turnout stood at about 69 per cent, but this figure dropped to approximately 34.75 per cent in 2023, according to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). Although the declining turnout raises concerns, it also highlights the increasing expectations of the electorate, who demand credible and transparent elections.
Another area of progress is the growth of a vibrant and free press. Nigerian media has played a crucial role in holding governments accountable and fostering public discourse. Investigative journalism and civil society activism have exposed corruption and human rights abuses. The rise of social media has further expanded the democratic space, enabling young Nigerians to mobilise and advocate for change, as evidenced by the 2020 #EndSARS protests.
Judicial independence has seen mixed results. On one hand, the judiciary has occasionally demonstrated resilience, such as in landmark rulings that overturned fraudulent elections or curtailed executive excesses. On the other hand, allegations of political interference and corruption within the judiciary persist, undermining public confidence in the legal system’s impartiality.
Nigeria’s democracy has also facilitated the decentralisation of power through the federal system. State governments now wield some autonomy, allowing for experimentation in governance and service delivery. While this has led to innovative policies in some states, it has also entrenched patronage networks and uneven development across the federation.
Despite these successes, Nigeria’s democratic journey faces formidable problems. Electoral integrity remains a critical concern. Reports from election observers, including those from the European Union and ECOWAS, frequently highlight issues such as vote-buying, ballot box snatching, and violence. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic transmission of results in 2023 elections showed promise, but technical glitches and alleged manipulations dampened public trust.
Corruption continues to be a pervasive issue. Nigeria ranks 145th out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s 2023 Corruption Perceptions Index, with a score of 25/100. Democratic institutions meant to check graft—such as anti-corruption agencies and the legislature—often struggle due to political interference and weak enforcement mechanisms.
Security challenges have also strained Nigeria’s democracy. Insurgency in the North East, banditry in the North West, separatist agitations in the South East, and herder-farmer conflicts across the Middle Belt have collectively resulted in thousands of deaths and displacements. According to the Global Terrorism Index 2024, Nigeria ranks as the eighth most impacted country by terrorism. The government’s difficulty in ensuring safety erodes public confidence in the state’s capacity and legitimacy.
The economy poses another critical remonstrance. Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita stands at approximately $2,400 as of 2024, with over 40 per cent of the population living below the national poverty line. High unemployment and inflation have fueled discontent and disillusionment with democratic governance, especially among youth. Without addressing economic grievances, the democratic dividend will remain elusive for many Nigerians.
Ethnic and religious divisions further complicate Nigeria’s democratic consolidation. Politicians often exploit identity politics for electoral gains, exacerbating social tensions. Although federal character principles aim to promote inclusiveness, they have also sometimes fostered a quota mentality rather than merit-based appointments.
Gender representation remains inadequate in Nigeria’s democratic institutions. Women occupy less than 10 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, one of the lowest rates globally. Efforts to pass gender parity bills have faced stiff resistance, highlighting deep-seated cultural and institutional barriers to female political participation.
Civil liberties, while constitutionally guaranteed, are under threat. Crackdowns on protesters, restrictions on press freedom, and surveillance of activists reveal an authoritarian streak within the democratic framework. The controversial Twitter ban in 2021 exemplified the country’s willingness to curb digital freedoms, prompting domestic and international criticism.
The political crisis in Rivers State embodies broader democratic struggles. Attempts to control the state through undemocratic means expose weaknesses in federal institutions and the rule of law. Immediate restoration of democratic governance in Rivers State is vital to preserving Nigeria’s democratic integrity and institutional credibility.
Local governments remain under the control of state governors, depriving citizens of grassroots democracy. Last year’s Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy is promising, but state-level resistance threatens its implementation. Genuine autonomy would bring governance closer to the people and foster democratic innovation.
As we mark Democracy Day, we must honour the sacrifices of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Femi Falana, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Pa Alfred Rewane, President Bola Tinubu, and countless others, who fought for Nigeria’s freedom. As democracy in Nigeria continues to evolve after 26 years, this day should inspire action toward its renewal. With despotism and state failure as real threats, both citizens and leaders must take responsibility—citizens by demanding more, and leaders by delivering. Excuses are no longer acceptable.